里根于1989年在白宮發(fā)表告別演說(shuō)

里根于1989年在白宮發(fā)表告別演說(shuō) 英文版

My fellow Americans:

This is the 34th time I’ll speak to you from the Oval Office and the last. We’ve been together 8 years now, and soon it will be time for me to go. But before I do, I wanted to share some thoughts, some of which I have been saving for a long time.

It’s been the honor of my life to be your President. So many of you have written the past few weeks to say thanks, but I could say as much to you. Nancy and I are grateful for the opportunity you gave us to serve.

One of the things about the Presidency is that you’re always somewhat apart. You spent a lot of time going by too fast in a car someone else is driving, and seeing the people through tinted glass—the parents holding up a child, and the wave you saw too late and could not return. And so many times, I wanted to stop and reach out from behind the glass, and connect. Well, maybe I can do a little of that tonight.

People ask how I feel about leaving. And the fact is,“parting is such sweet sorrow.”The sweet part is California and the ranch and freedom. The sorrow—the goodbyes, of course, and leaving this beautiful place.

You know, down the hall and up the stairs from this office is the part of the White House where the President and his family live. There are a few favorite windows I have up there that I like to stand and look out of early in the morning. The view is over the grounds here to the Washington Monument, and then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial. But on mornings when the humidity is low, you can see past the Jefferson to the river, the Potomac, and the Virginia shore. Someone said that’s the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run. Well I see more prosaic things: the grass on the banks, the morning traffic as people make their way to work, now and then a sailboat on the river.

I’ve been thinking a bit at that window. I’ve been reflecting on what the past 8 years have meant and mean. And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one—a small story about a big ship, and a refugee, and a sailor.

It was back in the early eighties, at the height of the boat people. And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway, which was patrolling the South China Sea. The sailor, like most American servicemen, was young, smart, and fiercely observant. The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat. And crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to America. The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety. As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas, one spied the sailor on deck, and stood up, and called out to him. He yelled,“Hello, American sailor. Hello, freedom man.”

A small moment with a big meaning, a moment the sailor, who wrote it in a letter, couldn’t get out of his mind. And, when I saw it, neither could I.

Because that’s what it has to, it was to be an American in the 1980’s. We stood, again, for freedom. I know we always have, but in the past few years the world again—and in a way, we ourselves—rediscovered it.

It’s been quite a journey this decade, and we held together through some stormy seas. And at the end, together, we’re reaching our destination.

The fact is, from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits, from the recession of '81 to '82, to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day, we’ve made a difference.

The way I see it, there were two great triumphs, two things that I’m proudest of. One is the economic recovery, in which the people of America created—and filled—19 million new jobs. The other is the recovery of our morale. America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.

Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this. It was back in 1981, and I was attending my first big economic summit, which was held that year in Canada. The meeting place rotates among the member countries. The opening meeting was a formal dinner for the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations. Well I sat there like the new kid in school and listened, and it was all Francois this and Helmut that. They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis. Well, at one point I sort of leaned in and said,“My name’s Ron.”

Well, in that same year, we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback—cut taxes and regulation, started to cut spending. And soon the recovery began.

Two years later, another economic summit with pretty much the same cast. At the big opening meeting we all got together, and all of a sudden, just for a moment, I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me. And then one of them broke the silence.“Tell us about the American miracle,”he said.

Well, back in 1980, when I was running for President, it was all so different. Some pundits said our programs would result in catastrophe. Our views on foreign affairs would cause war. Our plans for the economy would cause inflation to soar and bring about economic collapse. I even remember one highly respected economist saying, back in 1982, that“The engines of economic growth have shut down here, and they’re likely to stay that way for years to come.”

Well, he and the other opinion leaders were wrong. The fact is what they call“radical”was really“right”. What they called “dangerous”was just“desperately needed”.

And in all of that time I won a nickname,“The Great Communicator.”But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference: it was the content. I wasn’t a great communicator, but I communicated great things, and they didn’t spring full bloom from my brow, they came from the heart of a great nation—from our experience, our wisdom, and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries.

They called it the“Reagan Revolution.”Well, I’ll accept that, but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery, a rediscovery of our values and our common sense.

Common sense told us that when you put a big tax on something, the people would produce less of it. So, we cut the people’s tax rates, and the people produced more than ever before. The economy bloomed like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and stronger. Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime expansion in our history: real family income up, the poverty rate down, entrepreneurship booming, and an explosion in research and new technology. We’re exporting more than ever because American industry became more competitive. And at the same time, we summoned the national will to knock down protectionist walls abroad instead of erecting them at home.

Common sense also told us that to preserve the peace, we’d have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion. So, we rebuilt our defenses, and this New Year we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe. Not only have the superpowers actually begun to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons—and hope for even more progress is bright—but the regional conflicts that rack the globe are also beginning to cease. The Persian Gulf is no longer a war zone. The Soviets are leaving Afghanistan. The Vietnamese are preparing to pull out of Cambodia, and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50,000 Cuban troops home from Angola.

The lesson of all this was, of course, that because we’re a great nation, our challenges seem complex. It will always be this way. But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves, the future will always be ours. And something else we learned: Once you begin a great movement, there’s no telling where it’ll end. We meant to change a nation, and instead, we changed a world.

Countries across the globe are turning to free markets and free speech and turning away from the ideologies of the past. For them, the great rediscovery of the 1980’s has been that, lo and behold, the moral way of government is the practical way of government: Democracy, the profoundly good, is also the profoundly productive.

When you’ve got to the point when you can celebrate the anniversaries of your 39th birthday, you can sit back sometimes, review your life, and see it flowing before you. For me there was a fork in the river, and it was right in the middle of my life.

I never meant to go into politics. It wasn’t my intention when I was young. But I was raised to believe you had to pay your way for the blessings bestowed on you. I was happy with my career in the entertainment world, but I ultimately went into politics because I wanted to protect something precious.

Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government, and with three little words: “We the People.”“We the People”tell the government what to do; it doesn’t tell us.“We the People”are the driver; the government is the car, and we decide where it should go, and by what route, and how fast. Almost all the world’s constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are. Our Constitution is a document in which“We the People”tell the government what it is allowed to do.“We the People”are free. This belief has been the underlying basis for everything I’ve tried to do these past 8 years.

But back in the 1960’s, when I began, it seemed to me that we’d begun reversing the order of things—that through more and more rules and regulations and confiscatory taxes, the government was taking more of our money, more of our options, and more of our freedom. I went into politics in part to put up my hand and say,“Stop.”I was a citizen politician, and it seemed the right thing for a citizen to do.

I think we have stopped a lot of what needed stopping. And I hope we have once again reminded people that man is not free unless government is limited. There is a clear cause and effect here that is as neat and predictable as a law of physics:“As government expands, liberty contracts.”

Nothing is less free than pure communism—and yet we have, the past few years, forged a satisfying new closeness with the Soviet Union. I’ve been asked if this isn’t a gamble, and my answer is no because we’re basing our actions not on words but deeds.

The detente of this 1970’s was based not on actions but promises. They’d promise to treat their own people and the people of the world better. But the gulag was still the gulag, and the state was still expansionist, and they still waged proxy wars in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

Well, this time, so far, it’s different. President Gorbachev has brought about some internal democratic reforms and begun the withdrawal from Afghanistan. He has also freed prisoners whose names I’ve given him every time we’ve met.

But life has a way of reminding you of big things through small incidents. Once, during the heady days of the Moscow summit, Nancy and I decided to break off from the entourage one afternoon to visit the shops on Rabat Street—that’s a little street just off Moscow’s main shopping area. Even though our visit was a surprise, every Russian there immediately recognized us and called out our names and reached for our hands. We were just about swept away by the warmth. You could almost feel the possibilities in all that joy. But within seconds, a KGB detail pushed their way toward us and began pushing and shoving the people in the crowd. It was an interesting moment. It reminded me that while the man on the street in the Soviet Union yearns for peace, the government is Communist. And those who run it are Communists, and that means we and they view such issues as freedom and human rights very differently.

We must keep up our guard, but we must also continue to work together to lessen and eliminate tension and mistrust.

My view is that President Gorbachev is different from previous Soviet leaders. I think he knows some of the things wrong with his society and is trying to fix them. We wish him well. And we’ll continue to work to make sure that the Soviet Union that eventually emerges from this process is a less threatening one. What it all boils down to is this: I want the new closeness to continue. And it will, as long as we make it clear that we will continue to act in a certain way as long as they continue to act in a helpful manner. If and when they don’t, at first pull your punches. If they persist, pull the plug.

It is still trust but verify.

It is still play, but cut the cards.

It’s still watch closely. And don’t be afraid to see what you see.

I’ve been asked if I have any regrets. Well, I do. The deficit is one. I’ve been talking a great deal about that lately, but tonight isn’t for arguments, and I’m going to hold my tongue.

But an observation: I’ve had my share of victories in the Congress, but what few people noticed is that I never won anything you didn’t win for me. They never saw my troops; they never saw Reagan’s regiments, the American people. You won every battle with every call you made and letter you wrote demanding action.

Well, action is still needed. If we’re to finish the job, Reagan’s regiments will have to become the Bush brigades. Soon he’ll be the Chief, and he’ll need you every bit as much as I did.

Finally, there is a great tradition of warnings in Presidential farewells, and I’ve got one that’s been on my mind for some time.

But oddly enough it starts with one of the things I’m proudest of in the past 8 years: the resurgence of national pride that I called,“The New Patriotism.”This national feeling is good, but it won’t count for much, and it won’t last unless it’s grounded in thoughtfulness and knowledge.

An informed patriotism is what we want. And are we doing a good enough job teaching our children what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world?

Those of us who are over 35 or so years of age grew up in a different America. We were taught, very directly, what it means to be an American. And we absorbed, almost in the air, a love of country and an appreciation of its institutions. If you didn’t get these things from your family you got them from the neighborhood, from the father down the street who fought in Korea or the family who lost someone at Anzio. Or you could get a sense of patriotism from school. And if all else failed you could get a sense of patriotism from the popular culture. The movies celebrated democratic values and implicitly reinforced the idea that America was special. TV was like that, too, through the mid-sixties.

But now, we’re about to enter the nineties, and some things have changed. Younger parents aren’t sure that an unambivalent appreciation of America is the right thing to teach modern children. And as for those who create the popular culture, well-grounded patriotism is no longer the style.

Our spirit is back, but we haven’t reinstitutionalized it. We’ve got to do a better job of getting across that America is freedom—freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of enterprise. And freedom is special and rare. It’s fragile; it needs production.

So, we’ve got to teach history based not on what’s in fashion but what’s important—why the Pilgrims came here, who Jimmy Doolittle was, and what those 30 seconds over Tokyo meant. You know, 4 years ago on the 40th anniversary of D-day, I read a letter from a young woman writing to her late father, who had fought on Omaha Beach. Her name was Lisa Zanatta Henn, and she said,“we will always remember, we will never forget what the boys of Normandy did.”Well, let us help her keep her word. If we forget what we did, we won’t know who we are. I’m warning of an eradication of that—of the American memory that could result, ultimately, in an erosion of the American spirit. Let us start with some basics: more attention to American history and a greater emphasis on civic ritual.

And let me offer lesson number one about America: All great change in America begins at the dinner table. So, tomorrow night in the kitchen I hope the talking begins. And children, if your parents haven’t been teaching you what it means to be an American, let’s know and nail on it. That would be a very American thing to do.

And that’s about all I have to say tonight, except for one thing.

The past few days when I’ve been at that window upstairs, I’ve thought a bit of the shining city upon a hill. The phrase comes from John Winthrop, who wrote it to describe the America he imagined. What he imagined was important because he was an early Pilgrim, an early freedom man. He journeyed here on what today we’d call a little wooden boat; and like the other Pilgrims, he was looking for a home that would be free.

I’ve spoken of the shining city all my political life, but I don’t know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it. But in my mind it was a tall, proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, windswept, God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace; a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity. And if there had to be city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here. That’s how I saw it, and see it still.

And how stands the city on this winter night? More prosperous, more secure, and happier than it was 8 years ago. But more than that: After 200 years, two centuries, she still stands strong and true on the granite ridge, and her glow has held steady no matter what storm. And she’s still a beacon, still a magnet for all who must have freedom, for all the pilgrims from all the lost places who are hurtling through the darkness, toward home.

We’ve done our part. And as I walk off into the city streets, a final word to the men and women of the Reagan Revolution, the men and women across America who for 8 years did the work that brought America back.

My friends: We did it. We weren’t just marking time. We made a difference. We made the city stronger; we made the city freer; and we left her in good hands.

All in all, not bad—not bad at all.

And so, goodbye, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.

里根于1989年在白宮發(fā)表告別演說(shuō) 中文版

同胞們：

這是我第三十四次，也是最后一次在橢圓形辦公室向你們講話。我們?cè)谝黄鸸彩轮两褚延邪四辏藭r(shí)我卸任的時(shí)刻即將到來(lái)。但是，在此之前，我愿與你們共享我的心得，其中一些我已深思許久了。

成為你們的總統(tǒng)是我終身的光榮。過(guò)去幾周，許多人來(lái)信表示謝意，但是，我更要向你們說(shuō)聲謝謝。南希和我感謝你們給了我們?yōu)槊绹?guó)效力的機(jī)會(huì)。

作為一名總統(tǒng)，一個(gè)特殊之處就在于我總是多少有點(diǎn)與世隔絕之感。我花費(fèi)許多寶貴的時(shí)間乘坐在一輛由別人駕駛的轎車?yán)?，透過(guò)染色玻璃注視著人們——抱著孩子的父母，以及窗外一晃而過(guò)的人流。多少次我想讓司機(jī)停車，從車窗后面伸出手來(lái)與人們打招呼并作一番交流，或許今晚我能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)這一心愿。

有人問(wèn)我離去的感受，離去當(dāng)然是“如此甜蜜而又令人傷感”。甜蜜是因?yàn)榫鸵氐郊永Ｄ醽?，在牧?chǎng)上漫步，享受自由的時(shí)光。那么何謂傷感呢?當(dāng)然是離別，是離開(kāi)這美麗的地方。

如你們所知，走下大廳，再?gòu)倪@間辦公室走上樓梯，就是白宮中供總統(tǒng)及其家人居住的地方。樓上有幾扇精美的窗子。我喜歡在黎明時(shí)分佇立著眺望窗外的景色。從這里眺望過(guò)去，是華盛頓紀(jì)念碑，然后是林蔭大道，杰斐遜紀(jì)念堂。在晴朗的早晨，越過(guò)杰斐遜紀(jì)念堂，你能夠看到一條河流——波托馬克河和弗吉尼亞海濱。人們傳說(shuō)，這就是當(dāng)年林肯在注視從布爾倫河戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上騰起的煙霧時(shí)所見(jiàn)到的景色。我見(jiàn)到的景色更為平淡：河岸上的草地，早晨上班途中的車輛和行人，以及河面上偶爾飄過(guò)的一葉帆船。

我時(shí)常在那扇窗戶旁苦苦思考。我時(shí)常反思過(guò)去的八年和現(xiàn)在究竟意味著什么。進(jìn)入腦海的是一幅被一再描繪的畫面——一個(gè)關(guān)于一艘船、一個(gè)難民和一位水兵的故事。

回顧20世紀(jì)80年代初，當(dāng)時(shí)，從印度支那乘船出逃的難民正達(dá)到高潮，而在南中國(guó)海巡航的中途島號(hào)航母上，這名水兵正在勤勞地干著活。這名水兵像大多數(shù)美國(guó)軍人一樣，年輕、聰明、敏銳。水兵們發(fā)現(xiàn)，在遙遠(yuǎn)的地平線上有一艘小船正在波濤中沉浮——船上擠滿了渴望去美國(guó)的印支難民。于是，中途島號(hào)派出一艘小型汽艇去接應(yīng)他們。難民們?cè)诓龥坝康拇蠛Ｖ袙暝?，其中的一位難民發(fā)現(xiàn)了甲板上的那位水兵，便站起身來(lái)，向他呼喊道：“你好，美國(guó)水兵，你好，自由人。”

一個(gè)毫不起眼但又意義重大的時(shí)刻，一個(gè)令人難以忘懷的時(shí)刻——這名水兵在一封信中這樣寫道。假如我也曾目睹這一時(shí)刻，那么我也將無(wú)法忘懷。

因?yàn)檫@就是20世紀(jì)80年代，作為一名美國(guó)人所具有的含義。我們?cè)僖淮蜗笳髦杂伞Ｎ疑钚盼覀円恢贝碇杂?，但是在過(guò)去數(shù)年間，世界再次——在某種程度上我們自己——也重新發(fā)現(xiàn)了這一點(diǎn)。

十年來(lái)，這確實(shí)是一次艱難的旅程，我們同舟共濟(jì)，穿越了狂風(fēng)暴雨的大海。最終，我們一起到達(dá)了理想的彼岸。

事實(shí)上，從梅林納達(dá)到華盛頓和莫斯科峰會(huì)，從1981至1982年的經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退，到始于1982年年末，并一直持續(xù)至今的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)，我們已經(jīng)創(chuàng)造了奇跡。

依我看來(lái)，我們?nèi)〉昧藘身?xiàng)我為此而感到無(wú)比自豪的巨大成就。一項(xiàng)是經(jīng)濟(jì)的復(fù)蘇，美國(guó)人民創(chuàng)造并且勝任了1,900萬(wàn)個(gè)新的工作崗位。另一項(xiàng)是道德的恢復(fù)，美國(guó)再次受到世界的尊重，并被寄予厚望來(lái)承擔(dān)起領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界的重任。

幾年前，我親身經(jīng)歷的某些事情多少反映了這種變化?；叵?981年，我首次出席在加拿大召開(kāi)的一次大型經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題峰會(huì)。會(huì)議地點(diǎn)在各成員國(guó)中輪流。公開(kāi)會(huì)議是為西方七國(guó)政府首腦舉行的一次宴會(huì)。我就像學(xué)校里的一名新生，坐在一旁傾聽(tīng)，滿耳不是弗蘭科斯就是赫爾穆特。大家彼此之間不稱職銜，而是直呼其名以示親密。當(dāng)時(shí)，我?guī)缀跏歉┫律韥?lái)說(shuō)道：“我叫羅納德”。

同年，我開(kāi)始采取我們認(rèn)為可能導(dǎo)致經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇的一些措施：減少稅收、放松控制、削減支出。不久，經(jīng)濟(jì)開(kāi)始復(fù)蘇。

兩年后，又一屆經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題峰會(huì)召開(kāi)，與會(huì)者與上屆極為相似。在大型公開(kāi)會(huì)議上，我們匯聚在一起。忽然，我出乎意料地發(fā)現(xiàn)他們都注視著我。接著，其中的一位打破沉默說(shuō)道：“給我們談?wù)劽绹?guó)發(fā)生的奇跡。”

回想1980年，當(dāng)我競(jìng)選總統(tǒng)時(shí)，情況卻與此大相徑庭。一些權(quán)威人士說(shuō)，我們的計(jì)劃將導(dǎo)致災(zāi)難。我們的外交觀點(diǎn)將引發(fā)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)計(jì)劃將引起惡性通脹，導(dǎo)致經(jīng)濟(jì)崩潰。我對(duì)一位備受尊敬的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家在1982年所說(shuō)的話還記憶猶新，他說(shuō)：“在美國(guó)，在全世界，帶動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的火車頭已經(jīng)停頓下來(lái)，并且在未來(lái)的數(shù)年里可能毫無(wú)起色。”

然而，他以及其他輿論界的領(lǐng)袖們都錯(cuò)了。事實(shí)上，他們稱之為“激進(jìn)的”無(wú)疑是“正確的”，他們稱之為“危險(xiǎn)的”恰恰是“急需的”。

總之，那時(shí)我贏得了一個(gè)綽號(hào)“偉大的傳播者”。但是，我從不認(rèn)為這是我的風(fēng)格，或者我使用的語(yǔ)言改造了世界，這是問(wèn)題的關(guān)鍵，我不是一位偉大的傳播者，但是我傳播了偉大的思想，它們并非憑空出自我的頭腦，它們來(lái)自一個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家的內(nèi)心——來(lái)自我們的經(jīng)歷、我們的智慧以及我們對(duì)兩個(gè)世紀(jì)里引導(dǎo)我們的那些原則的信念。

他們將它稱之為里根革命，我接受這種說(shuō)法。但是就我而言，這似乎更像是偉大的再發(fā)現(xiàn)：我們的價(jià)值觀念與一致公認(rèn)的常識(shí)的一次再發(fā)現(xiàn)。

常識(shí)告訴我們，當(dāng)你必須為某件商品交納大筆稅款時(shí)，人們就會(huì)減少生產(chǎn)這種商品。因此，我們削減了國(guó)民的稅率，而國(guó)民卻生產(chǎn)得比以往更多。我國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)就像一棵被修剪過(guò)的大樹，現(xiàn)在生長(zhǎng)得更加迅速，更加根深葉茂了。我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)計(jì)劃促成了我國(guó)歷史上，在和平年代最長(zhǎng)的一次經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)：家庭純收入提高了、貧困率下降了、工商界興旺發(fā)達(dá)、科研和新技術(shù)迅猛發(fā)展。我們比以往任何時(shí)候都出口更多，因?yàn)槊绹?guó)的企業(yè)變得更具競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。同時(shí)，我們確立了這樣一種國(guó)家意志：我們與其在國(guó)內(nèi)構(gòu)筑保護(hù)主義壁壘，不如去拆除國(guó)外的保護(hù)主義壁壘。

常識(shí)還告訴我們，為了維護(hù)和平，我們必須在經(jīng)歷數(shù)年的軟弱和混亂之后再次變得強(qiáng)大。因此，我們重建了我們的防務(wù)——值此新年來(lái)臨之際，我們?yōu)槿虻暮推蕉e杯。事實(shí)上，超級(jí)大國(guó)不僅已開(kāi)始削減核武器儲(chǔ)備，甚至取得更大的進(jìn)展的前景同樣是明朗的，而且令世界備感不安的地區(qū)沖突也即將結(jié)束。波斯灣不再是交戰(zhàn)地區(qū)，蘇聯(lián)正在從阿富汗撤離，越南即將撤出柬埔寨，而經(jīng)美國(guó)斡旋簽署的一項(xiàng)協(xié)議，不久將使五萬(wàn)名古巴軍人離開(kāi)安哥拉回國(guó)。

當(dāng)然，從所有這些事件中得出的教訓(xùn)是，由于我們是一個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家，因此我們面臨的挑戰(zhàn)是錯(cuò)綜復(fù)雜的，并且將永遠(yuǎn)如此。但是，只要我們牢記我們的基本原則，并且相信自己，那么未來(lái)永遠(yuǎn)是我們的。我們還懂得了，一旦你開(kāi)始采取某項(xiàng)行動(dòng)，那么就難以預(yù)料將何時(shí)結(jié)束。我們只是要改變一個(gè)國(guó)家，卻改變了整個(gè)世界。

世界各國(guó)正在向自由市場(chǎng)轉(zhuǎn)型，開(kāi)始允許言論自由，拋棄過(guò)去的意識(shí)形態(tài)。對(duì)它們而言，20世紀(jì)80年代的大發(fā)現(xiàn)，我們是道德的政府也是富有成效的政府，民主不僅是極其美好的，也是極具經(jīng)濟(jì)價(jià)值的。

在你們慶祝三十九歲生日的時(shí)候，你們能夠休息片刻，回顧一下你們的人生，注視著時(shí)光在你們的面前流逝。對(duì)于我來(lái)說(shuō)，則猶如河中的樹枝，正漂流至我生命旅程的中途。

我從未想過(guò)步入政壇，這也不是我年輕時(shí)的志向。但是我從小就接受這樣的教誨，相信你自己必須為你所得到的恩賜付出代價(jià)。我對(duì)從事演藝業(yè)感到滿意，但是我最終進(jìn)入政界，是因?yàn)槲乙Ｗo(hù)一些彌足珍貴的東西。

我們所經(jīng)歷的變革，是人類歷史上“我們的人民”真正改變了政府的演變進(jìn)程的第一次革命。“我們的人民”告訴政府，而不是政府告訴“我們的人民”該做什么。“我們的人民”是駕駛員，而政府則是一輛汽車。“我們的人民”決定它行駛的方向、道路與速度。世界上幾乎所有國(guó)家的憲法都是告訴人民享有哪些特權(quán)。而在我們的憲法告訴政府應(yīng)該怎樣做，“我們的人民”是自由的。這種信念是我在過(guò)去八年里作出不懈努力的基礎(chǔ)。

但是，回想20世紀(jì)60年代，當(dāng)我開(kāi)始投身政治時(shí)，我們似乎把一切都顛倒了——政府通過(guò)越來(lái)越多的法規(guī)和賦稅條例，正在更多地剝奪我們的錢財(cái)、我們的選擇權(quán)以及我們的自由。我之所以步入政壇，在某種程度上，就是要舉起我的手，大喝一聲：“住手!”我是一名平民政治家，這是一個(gè)平民應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任。

我認(rèn)為我們阻止了大量本該阻止的事情的發(fā)生或延續(xù)。我們?cè)俅翁嵝蚜巳藗?，除非政府的?quán)力受到限制，否則人類是不會(huì)自由的。兩者之間的因果關(guān)系如同物理定律一樣簡(jiǎn)單明了?？梢灶A(yù)料，政府膨脹一分，則自由收縮一分。

沒(méi)有比純粹的極權(quán)主義更不自由的，然而，在過(guò)去幾年，我們已同蘇聯(lián)建立了新型的令人滿意的密切聯(lián)系。我曾經(jīng)捫心自間，這難道不是一種賭博嗎?我的回答是否定的。因?yàn)槲覀兊臎Q斷是建立在行動(dòng)上，而不是建立在言辭上的。

20世紀(jì)70年代緩和的基礎(chǔ)，不是行動(dòng)而是許諾。他們?cè)S諾善待他們本國(guó)和世界各國(guó)的人民，但是古拉格還是古拉格，蘇聯(lián)依然是擴(kuò)張主義國(guó)家，他們依然在非洲、亞洲和拉丁美訓(xùn)進(jìn)行傀儡戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。

現(xiàn)在的情況已有所不同，戈?duì)柊蛦谭蛟趪?guó)內(nèi)已著手進(jìn)行某些民主改革，并已開(kāi)始撤離阿富汗。他還釋放了我們每次會(huì)晤時(shí)，我向他提供了姓名的那些犯人。

但是，生活能夠通過(guò)一些細(xì)節(jié)使你們回想起某些重要的事情。在莫斯科峰會(huì)期間那些令人興奮的日子里，一天上午，南希和我決定擺脫隨行人員，獨(dú)自去莫斯科主要購(gòu)物區(qū)近旁的一條街——阿爾巴特大街上的商店去逛逛。盡管我們的到訪出乎人們的意料，但是那里的每一個(gè)俄羅斯人都立刻認(rèn)出了我們，呼喊我們的名字，與我們握手。我們幾乎被這種熱情所吞沒(méi)，假如你們身臨其境，那么你們可能也會(huì)有這種感覺(jué)。但是片刻之后，一隊(duì)克格勃奮力朝我們擠來(lái)，并且開(kāi)始推搡人群。這是一個(gè)多么有趣的時(shí)刻，它提醒我當(dāng)蘇聯(lián)大街上的人們渴望和平的時(shí)候，而該國(guó)的政府卻是極權(quán)主義的。這意味著在諸如自由和人權(quán)等問(wèn)題上，我們與他們的觀點(diǎn)是截然不同的。

我們必須保持警惕，但是我們同樣必須繼續(xù)保持合作，減少并且消除緊張和不信任。

我認(rèn)為戈?duì)柊蛦谭蚩偨y(tǒng)與以前的蘇聯(lián)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人不同。我認(rèn)為他了解蘇聯(lián)社會(huì)中存在的那些弊病，并且正在試圖加以解決。我們預(yù)祝他成功。他們將繼續(xù)努力，以確保在經(jīng)歷這一進(jìn)程以后而獲得新生的蘇聯(lián)，將不再是一個(gè)咄咄逼人的國(guó)家。歸結(jié)起來(lái)就是我希望繼續(xù)保持這種新型的密切關(guān)系。如同我們表明的那樣，我們將始終視他們是否以一種有益的方式行事，來(lái)決定我們將采取何種行動(dòng)。如果一旦他們并非如此，那么首先好言相勸，如果他們執(zhí)迷不悟，那么不妨動(dòng)真格的。

我們之間仍然是互相信任的，但需要得到證實(shí)。

游戲還得玩下去，但必須重新開(kāi)始。

我們還要密切關(guān)注事態(tài)的發(fā)展，并且不懼怕面對(duì)所目睹的一切。

曾經(jīng)有人問(wèn)我，是否有遺憾之處。有的。如赤字就是其中之一。近來(lái)，我對(duì)此問(wèn)題談了許多，但是今晚不宜再作討論，我愿保持緘默。

有人認(rèn)為我分享了國(guó)會(huì)的勝利成果，然而幾乎無(wú)人意識(shí)到，我的勝利無(wú)不是由你們創(chuàng)造的。他們從不正視我的部隊(duì)，從不正視里根團(tuán)，即美國(guó)人民。你們發(fā)出召喚，發(fā)布文告以動(dòng)員人民，贏得了每一次戰(zhàn)斗。

行動(dòng)仍然是必不可少的。如果我們想要完成這項(xiàng)工作，那么里根團(tuán)就應(yīng)當(dāng)成為布什旅。不久他將成為一個(gè)領(lǐng)袖，他像我一樣需要你們。

最后我要說(shuō)的是，總統(tǒng)告別演說(shuō)具有向人們提出忠告這樣一個(gè)偉大的傳統(tǒng)，而我確有一個(gè)忠告，它在我的腦海里已醞釀許久。

但是，說(shuō)來(lái)奇怪，它是以我在過(guò)去八年里引以為豪的事物之一，即被我稱作為“新愛(ài)國(guó)主義”的民族自豪感的再次振興作為開(kāi)場(chǎng)白的。這種民族自豪感無(wú)可非議，但其價(jià)值并非很高，并且不會(huì)持久，除非這種情感是建立在思考和知識(shí)的基礎(chǔ)上的。

我們需要的是明智的愛(ài)國(guó)主義。那么，我們是否出色地教育了我們的孩子，使其懂得美國(guó)意味著什么?在漫長(zhǎng)的世界史上，它又代表著什么?

我們年過(guò)三十五歲的那些人，生長(zhǎng)在一個(gè)與今不同的美國(guó)。我們被直截了當(dāng)?shù)馗嬷?，做一個(gè)美國(guó)人意味著什么?我們幾乎能夠在吸入的空氣中感受到對(duì)國(guó)家的熱愛(ài)以及對(duì)制度的賞識(shí)。假如你無(wú)法從你的家人那里感受到這種愛(ài)和這種賞識(shí)，那么你仍然能夠從鄰居那里，從在韓國(guó)進(jìn)行街頭斗爭(zhēng)的前輩那里，或者從在安齊奧失去親人的那些家庭那里感受到。假如你還感受不到，那么你依然能夠從大眾文化那里感受到愛(ài)國(guó)主義意識(shí)。電影贊頌了民主的價(jià)值，并且潛移默化地增強(qiáng)了美國(guó)是無(wú)與倫比的這種觀念。在整個(gè)20世紀(jì)60年代中期，電視同樣如此。

但是，現(xiàn)在我們即將進(jìn)入20世紀(jì)90年代，有些情況已發(fā)生了變化。年輕的父母?jìng)儫o(wú)法確信，對(duì)美國(guó)不加掩飾的賞識(shí)，是否仍然是教育現(xiàn)代孩子們的靈丹妙藥。至于對(duì)那些創(chuàng)造大眾文化的人們來(lái)說(shuō)，具有真憑實(shí)據(jù)的愛(ài)國(guó)主義已不再是一種時(shí)尚。

我們的精神已經(jīng)過(guò)時(shí)，但是我們尚未重建一種精神。我們必須加倍努力，以使人們相信美國(guó)象征著自由——言論自由、宗教自由、經(jīng)營(yíng)自由。而自由是獨(dú)特而又富有價(jià)值的。它是脆弱的，需要得到保護(hù)。

我們應(yīng)當(dāng)不是基于考慮是否符合時(shí)尚，而是考慮是否重要來(lái)教授早期移民為何來(lái)到這里的歷史，吉米·杜立德是誰(shuí)，那30秒對(duì)東京意味著什么?你們是否知道，四年前在諾曼底登陸四十周年紀(jì)念日，我讀到一封一位女青年寫給曾參加過(guò)奧馬哈海灘之戰(zhàn)的已故父親的信。她叫莉薩·詹納特·亨，她寫道：“我們永遠(yuǎn)銘記，我們終身不忘參加諾曼底之戰(zhàn)的小伙子們的偉業(yè)。”讓我們助她以一臂之力，以恪守這一諾言吧!假如我們忘掉了歷史，那么也就意味著忘掉了自己。在此，我對(duì)美國(guó)人的健忘發(fā)出警告，這種健忘將導(dǎo)致美國(guó)精神的墮落。讓我們從一些基本的事情做起：更加關(guān)注美國(guó)的歷史，更加重視公民的禮儀。

請(qǐng)讓我提出與美國(guó)有關(guān)的最重要的一條教訓(xùn)：美國(guó)所有重大的變革都是從餐桌上開(kāi)始的。因此，我希望明晚在廚房里開(kāi)始談話。孩子們，如果你們的父母從未告訴過(guò)你們，當(dāng)一個(gè)美國(guó)人意味著什么——那么讓他們知道并且記住，這是任何一位真正的美國(guó)人都不容推辭的責(zé)任。

這就是今晚我要說(shuō)的全部?jī)?nèi)容。另外，還要補(bǔ)充一點(diǎn)。

最近幾天，當(dāng)我佇立在樓上的窗邊時(shí)，對(duì)這座“屹立在山崗上的”輝煌的城市想了許多。這一說(shuō)法源自約翰·溫思羅普，他以此來(lái)描述他想象中的美國(guó)。他的想象十分重要，因?yàn)樗且晃辉缙谝泼?mdash;—一位早期的“自由人”。他乘坐我們現(xiàn)在稱之為小木船的那種船來(lái)到這里，并且像其他早期移民一樣，他渴望擁有一個(gè)自由的家園。

在我的整個(gè)政治生涯中，我曾經(jīng)一再地談起這座輝煌的城市，但是，我不知道是否清楚地表達(dá)了我的思想。在我的心目中，這是一座高大得令人驕傲的城市，它建立在堅(jiān)實(shí)的基石上，而絕非是一座空中樓閣。上帝保佑著她，街上人來(lái)人往，各種膚色的人們生活在和睦與和平之中。一座擁有自由港、商業(yè)繁榮并且具有創(chuàng)造性的城市。如果這座城市建有城墻，那么一定是有城門的，并且是向所有夢(mèng)寐以求要來(lái)到這里的人們敞開(kāi)的。這曾經(jīng)是并且依然是我的看法。

在這寒冷的冬夜，這座城市又會(huì)如何呢?它比八年前更加繁榮、更加安全、更加幸福了。但不僅于此：兩百年后，甚至兩個(gè)世紀(jì)以后，它將更加強(qiáng)大，穩(wěn)穩(wěn)地屹立在花崗巖的山脊上，面對(duì)風(fēng)暴依然熠熠發(fā)光。她將成為一座燈塔，或一塊磁石，為所有一心向往自由的人們，為所有來(lái)自迷失之地，逃離黑暗回家的朝圣者們引路指航。

我們履行了自己的職責(zé)。當(dāng)我走出這里來(lái)到這座城市的大街上時(shí)，我要向參與這場(chǎng)里根革命的男人和女人們——在過(guò)去八年里為復(fù)興美國(guó)而工作的全國(guó)各地的男人和女人們道別。

朋友們，我們成功了。我們不僅追回了失去的時(shí)光，而且改變了世界。我們使這座城市變得更加堅(jiān)固，更加自由，并且將她交給優(yōu)秀者手中。

總之，情況不錯(cuò)，一切順利。

再見(jiàn)了。上帝保佑你們。上帝保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。