布什限薩達(dá)姆四十八小時(shí)內(nèi)離開伊拉克的電視講話

布什限薩達(dá)姆四十八小時(shí)內(nèi)離開伊拉克的電視講話 英文版

My fellow citizens, events in Iraq have now reached the final days of decision. For more than a decade, the United States and other nations have pursued patient and honorable efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime without war. That regime pledged to reveal and destroy all its weapons of mass destruction as a condition for ending the Persian Gulf War in 1991.

Since then, the world has engaged in 12 years of diplomacy. We have passed more than a dozen resolutions in the United Nations Security Council. We have sent hundreds of weapons inspectors to oversee the disarmament of Iraq. Our good faith has not been returned.

The Iraqi regime has used diplomacy as a ploy to gain time and advantage. It has uniformly defied Security Council resolutions demanding full disarmament. Over the years, U.N. weapon inspectors have been threatened by Iraqi officials, electronically bugged, and systematically deceived. Peaceful efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime have failed again and again—because we are not dealing with peaceful men.

Intelligence gathered by this and other governments leaves no doubt that the Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal some of the most lethal weapons ever devised. This regime has already used weapons of mass destruction against Iraq’s neighbors and against Iraq’s people.

The regime has a history of reckless aggression in the Middle East. It has a deep hatred of America and our friends. And it has aided, trained and harbored terrorists, including operatives of al Qaeda.

The danger is clear: using chemical, biological or, one day, nuclear weapons, obtained with the help of Iraq, the terrorists could fulfill their stated ambitions and kill thousands or hundreds of thousands of innocent people in our country, or any other.

The United States and other nations did nothing to deserve or invite this threat. But we will do everything to defeat it. Instead of drifting along toward tragedy, we will set a course toward safety. Before the day of horror can come, before it is too late to act, this danger will be removed.

The United States of America has the sovereign authority to use force in assuring its own national security. That duty falls to me, as Commander-in-Chief, by the oath I have sworn, by the oath I will keep.

Recognizing the threat to our country, the United States Congress voted overwhelmingly last year to support the use of force against Iraq. America tried to work with the United Nations to address this threat because we wanted to resolve the issue peacefully. We believe in the mission of the United Nations. One reason the U.N. was founded after the second world war was to confront aggressive dictators, actively and early, before they can attack the innocent and destroy the peace.

In the case of Iraq, the Security Council did act, in the early 1990s. Under Resolutions 678 and 687—both still in effect—the United States and our allies are authorized to use force in ridding Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. This is not a question of authority, it is a question of will.

Last September, I went to the U.N. General Assembly and urged the nations of the world to unite and bring an end to this danger. On November 8th, the Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 1441, finding Iraq in material breach of its obligations, and vowing serious consequences if Iraq did not fully and immediately disarm.

Today, no nation can possibly claim that Iraq has disarmed. And it will not disarm so long as Saddam Hussein holds power. For the last four and a half months, the United States and our allies have worked within the Security Council to enforce that Council’s long-standing demands. Yet, some permanent members of the Security Council have publicly announced they will veto any resolution that compels the disarmament of Iraq. These governments share our assessment of the danger, but not our resolve to meet it. Many nations, however, do have the resolve and fortitude to act against this threat to peace, and a broad coalition is now gathering to enforce the just demands of the world. The United Nations Security Council has not lived up to its responsibilities, so we will rise to ours.

In recent days, some governments in the Middle East have been doing their part. They have delivered public and private messages urging the dictator to leave Iraq, so that disarmament can proceed peacefully. He has thus far refused. All the decades of deceit and cruelty have now reached an end. Saddam Hussein and his sons must leave Iraq within 48 hours. Their refusal to do so will result in military conflict, commenced at a time of our choosing. For their own safety, all foreign nationals—including journalists and inspectors—should leave Iraq immediately.

Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast, and I have a message for them. If we must begin a military campaign, it will be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not against you. As our coalition takes away their power, we will deliver the food and medicine you need. We will tear down the apparatus of terror and we will help you to build a new Iraq that is prosperous and free. In a free Iraq, there will be no more wars of aggression against your neighbors, no more poison factories, no more executions of dissidents, no more torture chambers and rape rooms. The tyrant will soon be gone. The day of your liberation is near.

It is too late for Saddam Hussein to remain in power. It is not too late for the Iraqi military to act with honor and protect your country by permitting the peaceful entry of coalition forces to eliminate weapons of mass destruction. Our forces will give Iraqi military units clear instructions on actions they can take to avoid being attacked and destroyed. I urge every member of the Iraqi military and intelligence services, if war comes, do not fight for a dying regime that is not worth your own life.

And all Iraqi military and civilian personnel should listen carefully to this warning. In any conflict, your fate will depend on your action. Do not destroy oil wells, a source of wealth that belongs to the Iraqi people. Do not obey any command to use weapons of mass destruction against anyone, including the Iraqi people. War crimes will be prosecuted. War criminals will be punished. And it will be no defense to say,“I was just following orders.”

Should Saddam Hussein choose confrontation, the American people can know that every measure has been taken to avoid war, and every measure will be taken to win it. Americans understand the costs of conflict because we have paid them in the past. War has no certainty, except the certainty of sacrifice.

Yet, the only way to reduce the harm and duration of war is to apply the full force and might of our military, and we are prepared to do so. If Saddam Hussein attempts to cling to power, he will remain a deadly foe until the end. In desperation, he and terrorists groups might try to conduct terrorist operations against the American people and our friends. These attacks are not inevitable. They are, however, possible. And this very fact underscores the reason we cannot live under the threat of blackmail. The terrorist threat to America and the world will be diminished the moment that Saddam Hussein is disarmed.

Our government is on heightened watch against these dangers. Just as we are preparing to ensure victory in Iraq, we are taking further actions to protect our homeland. In recent days, American authorities have expelled from the country certain individuals with ties to Iraqi intelligence services. Among other measures, I have directed additional security of our airports, and increased Coast Guard patrols of major seaports. The Department of Homeland Security is working closely with the nation’s governors to increase armed security at critical facilities across America.

Should enemies strike our country, they would be attempting to shift our attention with panic and weaken our morale with fear. In this, they would fail. No act of theirs can alter the course or shake the resolve of this country. We are a peaceful people—yet we’re not a fragile people, and we will not be intimidated by thugs and killers. If our enemies dare to strike us, they and all who have aided them, will face fearful consequences.

We are now acting because the risks of inaction would be far greater. In one year, or five years, the power of Iraq to inflict harm on all free nations would be multiplied many times over. With these capabilities, Saddam Hussein and his terrorist allies could choose the moment of deadly conflict when they are strongest. We choose to meet that threat now, where it arises, before it can appear suddenly in our skies and cities.

The cause of peace requires all free nations to recognize new and undeniable realities. In the 20th century, some chose to appease murderous dictators, whose threats were allowed to grow into genocide and global war. In this century, when evil men plot chemical, biological and nuclear terror, a policy of appeasement could bring destruction of a kind never before seen on this earth.

Terrorists and terror states do not reveal these threats with fair notice, in formal declarations—and responding to such enemies only after they have struck first is not self-defense, it is suicide. The security of the world requires disarming Saddam Hussein now.

As we enforce the just demands of the world, we will also honor the deepest commitments of our country. Unlike Saddam Hussein, we believe the Iraqi people are deserving and capable of human liberty. And when the dictator has departed, they can set an example to all the Middle East of a vital and peaceful and self-governing nation.

The United States, with other countries, will work to advance liberty and peace in that region. Our goal will not be achieved overnight, but it can come over time. The power and appeal of human liberty is felt in every life and every land. And the greatest power of freedom is to overcome hatred and violence, and turn the creative gifts of men and women to the pursuits of peace.

That is the future we choose. Free nations have a duty to defend our people by uniting against the violent. And tonight, as we have done before, America and our allies accept that responsibility.

Good night, and may God continue to bless America.

布什限薩達(dá)姆四十八小時(shí)內(nèi)離開伊拉克的電視講話 中文版

同胞們，伊拉克事態(tài)現(xiàn)已進(jìn)入最后決定的時(shí)刻。十多年來，美國和其他國家進(jìn)行了耐心和真誠的努力，以便不用戰(zhàn)爭方式解除伊拉克政權(quán)的武器。作為1991年海灣戰(zhàn)爭的停戰(zhàn)條件，伊拉克政權(quán)保證公布并銷毀其所有大規(guī)模毀滅性武器。

自那時(shí)起，全世界進(jìn)行了十二年的外交努力。我們在聯(lián)合國安理會(huì)通過了十多項(xiàng)決議。我們派出了數(shù)百名武器核查人員，監(jiān)督伊拉克消除武器。我們的良好用心沒有得到回報(bào)。

伊拉克政權(quán)一直把外交作為爭取時(shí)間和優(yōu)勢的策略。它一貫違抗安理會(huì)要求其全面消除武器的各項(xiàng)決議。多年來，聯(lián)合國武器核查人員遭到伊拉克官員的威脅，他們受到電子竊聽和蓄意欺騙。和平解除伊拉克政權(quán)武器的努力一次次失敗──因?yàn)槲覀兠鎸Φ牟皇呛推街俊?/p>

我國和其他政府收集的情報(bào)毫無疑問地說明，伊拉克政權(quán)繼續(xù)擁有并隱藏某些有史以來最具殺傷力的武器。該政權(quán)已經(jīng)對伊拉克的鄰國和伊拉克人民使用過大規(guī)模毀滅性武器。

該政權(quán)有在中東地區(qū)肆意侵犯的歷史。它對美國和美國的盟友懷著刻骨仇恨。它幫助、訓(xùn)練并庇護(hù)恐怖主義分子，其中包括“基地”組織成員。

危險(xiǎn)是明顯的：利用在伊拉克的幫助下獲得的化學(xué)和生物武器，也許終有一天還會(huì)有核武器，恐怖主義分子可能實(shí)現(xiàn)他們昭彰的野心，在我國或其他任何國家，殺害成千上萬無辜的民眾。

美國和其他國家不應(yīng)受到也沒有招致這種威脅。但我們將竭盡全力擊敗它。我們不會(huì)隨波逐流滑向悲劇的深淵，而是要開辟通往安全之路。在恐怖來臨之前，在采取行動(dòng)尚未太晚之時(shí)，必須鏟除這一危險(xiǎn)。

美國有使用武力確保自己國家安全的最高權(quán)力，作為總司令這一職責(zé)落在我的肩上。這既是我發(fā)過的誓言，也將是我信守的誓言。

美國國會(huì)認(rèn)識(shí)到我國所面臨的威脅，于去年以壓倒多數(shù)的投票支持對伊拉克使用武力。美國同聯(lián)合國一道努力對付這一威脅，因?yàn)槲覀兿Ｍ推浇鉀Q這個(gè)問題。我們相信聯(lián)合國的使命。在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)之后成立聯(lián)合國的原因之一，就是為了主動(dòng)、及早地遏制侵略成性的獨(dú)裁者，不讓他們有可能對無辜者發(fā)動(dòng)攻擊和破壞和平。

在伊拉克問題上，安理會(huì)在20世紀(jì)90年代初確實(shí)采取過行動(dòng)。仍然有效的第678和687號(hào)決議授權(quán)美國和美國的盟友用武力解除伊拉克的大規(guī)模毀滅性武器。這不是一個(gè)是否有授權(quán)的問題，而是一個(gè)是否有意愿的問題。

2002年9月，我在聯(lián)合國大會(huì)上敦促世界各國團(tuán)結(jié)起來結(jié)束這種危險(xiǎn)。2002年11月8日，安理會(huì)一致通過第1441號(hào)決議，確定伊拉克實(shí)質(zhì)性地違反了其義務(wù)，并鄭重警告伊拉克，若不立即全面消除武器就將承擔(dān)嚴(yán)重后果。

今天，沒有一個(gè)國家能說伊拉克消除了武器。只要薩達(dá)姆還在掌權(quán)，伊拉克政權(quán)就不會(huì)消除武器。在過去的四個(gè)半月里，美國和美國的盟友一直在安理會(huì)內(nèi)部為落實(shí)安理會(huì)的長期要求而努力。但某些安理會(huì)常任理事國卻公開表示，他們將否決任何迫使伊拉克解除武器的決議。這些政府認(rèn)同我們對危險(xiǎn)的評估，但卻不認(rèn)同我們解除這種危險(xiǎn)的決心。不過，很多國家確實(shí)有決心、有意志對和平的威脅予以反擊，一個(gè)廣泛的聯(lián)盟目前正在形成，以落實(shí)全世界的正義要求。由于聯(lián)合國安理會(huì)未能履行它的職責(zé)，我們將站出來承擔(dān)我們的責(zé)任。

最近幾天，一些中東國家一直在盡他們的努力。他們公開和不公開地傳遞信息，敦促這個(gè)獨(dú)裁者離開伊拉克，以便使解除武器的工作和平地進(jìn)行下去。到目前為止他拒不接受。幾十年的欺騙和暴行行將告終，薩達(dá)姆和他的兒子們必須在48小時(shí)之內(nèi)離開伊拉克。如果他們拒絕這么做將會(huì)導(dǎo)致軍事沖突，開始時(shí)間由我們選擇。所有外國人，包括新聞?dòng)浾吆秃瞬槿藛T，都應(yīng)為自身安全起見立即離開伊拉克。

今晚，許多伊拉克人通過收音機(jī)廣播翻譯可以聽到我的講話，我在此向他們發(fā)出一個(gè)信息。如果我們必須開始軍事行動(dòng)，所針對的是那些統(tǒng)治你們國家的不法之徒而不是你們。在我們的聯(lián)軍解除他們權(quán)力的同時(shí)，我們將提供給你們所需要的食物和藥品。我們將摧毀恐怖的機(jī)器，幫助你們建立一個(gè)繁榮而自由的新伊拉克。在自由的伊拉克，將不再有侵略你們鄰國的戰(zhàn)爭，不再有毒氣工廠，不再對持不同政見人士進(jìn)行殺害，不再有酷刑室和強(qiáng)暴間。這個(gè)獨(dú)裁者很快將一去不復(fù)返，你們獲得解放的日子即將來臨。

現(xiàn)在，薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因想要繼續(xù)掌權(quán)已為時(shí)過晚。但是對伊拉克軍隊(duì)而言，采取正義的行動(dòng)，通過讓聯(lián)軍和平進(jìn)入，銷毀大規(guī)模毀滅性武器保護(hù)你們的國家，尚為時(shí)不晚。我們的軍隊(duì)將向伊拉克部隊(duì)提供明確的指示，告訴他們可以采取何種行動(dòng)來避免遭到攻擊和被摧毀。我敦促伊拉克軍隊(duì)和情報(bào)部門的每位成員，一旦戰(zhàn)爭發(fā)生，不要為一個(gè)行將滅亡的政權(quán)而戰(zhàn)，它不值得你們犧牲生命。

所有伊拉克軍事和非軍事人員必須仔細(xì)聽取這一警告。在任何沖突中，你們的行為將決定你們的命運(yùn)。不得摧毀油井，這一財(cái)富資源屬于伊拉克人民。不得服從對包括伊拉克人民在內(nèi)的任何人動(dòng)用大規(guī)模毀滅性武器的命令。戰(zhàn)爭罪將受到起訴，戰(zhàn)犯將受到懲罰。“我只是執(zhí)行命令”將不能成為理由。

如果薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因選擇對抗，美國人民將看到，我們已經(jīng)為避免戰(zhàn)爭采取了一切措施，我們也將為贏得戰(zhàn)爭采取一切措施。美國人民懂得沖突的代價(jià)，因?yàn)槲覀冞^去已為此付出過代價(jià)。戰(zhàn)爭是無常的，而犧牲是必然的。

然而，減少戰(zhàn)爭傷害，縮短戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)間的唯一途經(jīng)便是運(yùn)用我軍全部的力量和實(shí)力。我們已嚴(yán)陣以待，如果薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因妄圖握權(quán)不放，他至死都將是我們的死敵。他和恐怖主義組織可能孤注一擲，對美國人民和我們的友邦發(fā)動(dòng)恐怖襲擊。這些襲擊并非不可避免，但卻是可能發(fā)生的。這一點(diǎn)更加突出說明我們?yōu)槭裁床荒茉谟炘p的威脅中生活。薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因一旦被解除武器，恐怖主義對美國和世界的威脅就將減少。

我國政府提高了對這些危險(xiǎn)的警戒。我們?yōu)榇_保在伊拉克獲勝而進(jìn)行準(zhǔn)備的同時(shí)，也在采取進(jìn)一步行動(dòng)保護(hù)我國國土。近日美國有關(guān)當(dāng)局將某些同伊拉克情報(bào)機(jī)構(gòu)有關(guān)聯(lián)的人驅(qū)逐出境。其他措施還包括我指示對我國機(jī)場加強(qiáng)保安，并且增加了海岸警衛(wèi)隊(duì)在重要海港的巡邏。國土安全部同全國各州州長密切合作，增加對全美各地重要設(shè)施的武裝安全保衛(wèi)。

敵人想通過對我國發(fā)動(dòng)襲擊，妄圖制造驚慌來轉(zhuǎn)移我們的注意力，制造恐懼來削弱我們的斗志。他們的企圖不會(huì)得逞，他們的任何行動(dòng)都不能改變我們的行動(dòng)方向，也動(dòng)搖不了我們國家的決心。我們是愛好和平的民族，然而我們不是脆弱的民族，我們不會(huì)被暴徒和殺人兇手所嚇倒。如果敵人膽敢向我們發(fā)動(dòng)攻擊，他們及其所有支持者都將面臨可怕的后果。

我們現(xiàn)在之所以采取行動(dòng)是因?yàn)椴恍袆?dòng)的危險(xiǎn)還要大得多。再過一年或者五年，伊拉克危害所有自由國家的力量將會(huì)成倍增加。有了這些能力，薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因及其恐怖主義同伙就可能選擇在他們最有力量的時(shí)刻，挑起致命的沖突。我們選擇現(xiàn)在這個(gè)時(shí)刻，在它剛剛產(chǎn)生，還未能突然出現(xiàn)在我們的天空和城市之前迎戰(zhàn)這一威脅。

和平的事業(yè)要求所有自由國家認(rèn)識(shí)到當(dāng)前無可否認(rèn)的現(xiàn)實(shí)。在20世紀(jì)，有些國家對殺人不眨眼的獨(dú)裁者采取了綏靖政策，使其威脅得以發(fā)展成滅絕種族的大屠殺和全球大戰(zhàn)。在21世紀(jì)，在邪惡之徒策劃化學(xué)、生物和核恐怖之時(shí)，綏靖政策可能給地球帶來的巨大破壞，將會(huì)是前所未見的。

恐怖主義分子和恐怖國家不會(huì)以開誠布公、正式宣布的方式來預(yù)示這樣的威脅。面對這樣的敵人，待他們出擊之后再做回應(yīng)，不是自衛(wèi)而是自殺。世界安全要求現(xiàn)在就解除薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因的武器。

我們在執(zhí)行世界的正義要求之際，還將信守我們國家深深的承諾。不同于薩達(dá)姆·侯賽因，我們認(rèn)為伊拉克人民有權(quán)利并且有能力享有人類自由。在獨(dú)裁者垮臺(tái)后，他們能為整個(gè)中東樹立一個(gè)極其重要的和平和自治國家的榜樣。

美國將同其他國家一道努力推進(jìn)那個(gè)地區(qū)的自由與和平。我們的目標(biāo)不會(huì)在一夜之間實(shí)現(xiàn)，但是假以時(shí)日必將實(shí)現(xiàn)。每一個(gè)生命、每一片土地都能夠感受到人類自由的力量和美好。自由的最大力量就是戰(zhàn)勝仇恨和暴力，將人們的創(chuàng)造力轉(zhuǎn)化為對和平的追求。

這就是我們選擇的未來。自由國家有責(zé)任聯(lián)合起來打擊暴力之徒，保衛(wèi)我們的人民。今晚，如同我們過去所做的一樣，美國及盟國將承擔(dān)這一責(zé)任。

晚安，愿上帝繼續(xù)保佑美國。