里根于1987年在柏林墻下的演講

里根于1987年在柏林墻下的演講英文版

Thank you very much.

Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the City Hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

We come to Berlin, we American presidents, because it’s our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer Paul Lincke understood something about American presidents. You see, like so many presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin. I still have a suitcase in Berlin.

Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same—still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.

President von Weizsacker has said,“The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.”Today I say: As long as the gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.

In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State—as you’ve been told—George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said:“Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.”

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply:“The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.”A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium—virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.

In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty—that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.

Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany—busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city’s culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there is abundance—food, clothing, and automobiles—the wonderful goods of the Kudamm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. The Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn’t count on—Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, jaund Berliner Schnauzer.

In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted:“We will bury you.”But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health; even want of the most basic kind—too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.

Now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.

Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.

There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace. General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent—and I pledge to you my country’s efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.

Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days—days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city—and the Soviets later walked away from the table.

But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then—I invite those who protest today—to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.

As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.

While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative—research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means, we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.

In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place—a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.

In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.

Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safe, freer world. Surely, there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.

Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.

And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.

To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.

With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other issues that call for international cooperation.

There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I’m certain, will do the same. And it’s my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.

One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea—South Korea—has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West?

In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You’ve done so in spite of threats—the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly, there is a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there’s something deeper, something that involves Berlin’s whole look and feel and way of life—not mere sentiment.

No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom.

In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love—love both profound and abiding. Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.

Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower’s one major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere—that sphere that towers over all Berlin—the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.

As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner:“This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality.”Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.

And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I’ve been here about certain demonstrations against my coming.

And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they’re doing again.

Thank you and God bless you all.

里根于1987年在柏林墻下的演講中文版

非常感謝。

科爾總理、迪普根市長、女士們、先生們：二十四年前約翰·F.肯尼迪總統(tǒng)訪問了柏林，在市政廳向本市和全世界的人民發(fā)表了講話。從那以后另兩位總統(tǒng)也訪問了柏林，而今天我自己也開始了我的第二次訪問。

我們這些美國總統(tǒng)來到柏林，是因?yàn)槲覀冇胸?zé)任到這里為自由呼吁。但是我也必須承認(rèn)，我們之所以來到這里，還有其他的原因。這個(gè)城市歷史悠久，比我的國家還要古老五百年;格魯內(nèi)瓦爾德和蒂爾加滕優(yōu)美瑰麗，引人入勝;而最主要的原因是，我被你們的勇氣和決心所打動(dòng)。作曲家保羅·林克也許同我們這些美國總統(tǒng)有著共鳴。你們瞧，就像我之前的許多總統(tǒng)一樣，我今天來到這里是因?yàn)槲覠o論走到哪里，無論我干什么：Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin(我還有個(gè)箱子在柏林)。

今天，我們的集會(huì)正被整個(gè)西歐和北美現(xiàn)場直播，我也知道在東方也能被看見被聽到。對(duì)于那些正在聆聽的東歐人民，我有一句特別的話要說：雖然我不能和你們?cè)谝黄?，但是我?duì)你們講的話就和對(duì)那些站在我面前的人民所講的一樣，我同你們以及你們西方的同胞一樣，都有一個(gè)堅(jiān)定的、不可變更的信念：只有一個(gè)柏林!

在我的身后，有一個(gè)包圍著本市的所謂自由之墻，它是一個(gè)將全歐洲分割的巨大邪惡系統(tǒng)的一部分。一堵從波羅的海綿延到南方的無形之墻，這個(gè)壁壘橫裂德國，處處扎滿鐵絲網(wǎng)，澆筑混凝土，軍犬和全副武裝的軍人巡邏不休，警戒塔密布。或許在更遠(yuǎn)的南方，我們可能不會(huì)看見一堵明顯的墻，但是那里仍然有著武裝的警衛(wèi)和關(guān)卡!在墻的那邊，一個(gè)極權(quán)國家仍然在殘酷地控制著他的人民，沒有旅行，不能出國，言論不自由。然而，沒有哪個(gè)地方比柏林更能感受到這種區(qū)別了。正是在這里，新聞圖片和電視屏幕都在全世界人民的心上烙刻著這道橫貫?zāi)銈兊某鞘?，分裂整個(gè)大陸的傷痕。每一個(gè)站在勃蘭登堡門前的人都是德國人，被迫同自己的骨肉同胞分離。每一個(gè)人都是柏林人，被迫俯視那道傷痕。

馮·魏茨澤克總統(tǒng)曾經(jīng)說過：“只要勃蘭登堡門還關(guān)閉著，德國的問題就將存在。”今天我要說：“只要這道門還關(guān)閉著，只要這堵墻的傷痕仍然允許存在，那么長存的就不僅僅只是德國人自己的問題，還有整個(gè)人類的自由問題。我來這里絕不是為了哀悼，因?yàn)槲以诎亓终业搅艘粋€(gè)希望，即使在這堵墻的陰影之下，仍然有著勝利的消息。

在1945年春季，當(dāng)柏林人民步出空襲避難所時(shí)，他們發(fā)現(xiàn)的是一片狼藉，數(shù)千英里之外的美國人民伸出了援助之手。在1947年，正如你們知道的那樣，美國國務(wù)卿喬治·馬歇爾宣布了被稱之為“馬歇爾計(jì)劃”的援助方案。四十年前的今天，他說：“我們的政策不針對(duì)任何國家、任何主義，我們針對(duì)的是饑餓、貧窮、絕望和混亂。”

稍早的時(shí)候，在德國國會(huì)大廈，我參觀了一個(gè)紀(jì)念馬歇爾計(jì)劃四十周年的展覽。在一個(gè)曾被熔毀正在重建的建筑物上，我看到了一條標(biāo)語，這條標(biāo)語深深地打動(dòng)了我。我知道，我這一代的柏林人都還記得，在西柏林曾經(jīng)遍布著這樣的標(biāo)語。這個(gè)標(biāo)語是：“為加強(qiáng)自由世界，馬歇爾計(jì)劃在這里伸出援手。”在西方，一個(gè)強(qiáng)大自由的世界，一個(gè)偉大的自由夢(mèng)想正在成真。日本從廢墟中崛起成為一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)巨人，意大利、法蘭西、比利時(shí)，幾乎每一個(gè)西歐國家都見證了政治上和經(jīng)濟(jì)上的復(fù)興，歐共體也得以誕生。

在西德，在柏林發(fā)生了經(jīng)濟(jì)奇跡，the Wirtschaftswunder(德國奇跡)。阿登納、埃哈德、路透等領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人深知自由在實(shí)踐上的重要意義;只有當(dāng)新聞?dòng)浾弑毁x予言論自由之時(shí)，真相才會(huì)浮現(xiàn);只有農(nóng)民和商人能夠享受到經(jīng)濟(jì)自由的時(shí)候，繁榮才會(huì)到來。德國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人削減關(guān)稅，擴(kuò)大自由貿(mào)易，降低稅率。僅僅在1950年到1960年十年間，西德和西柏林的生活水準(zhǔn)就成倍翻升。

在西柏林，四十年前還是一片廢墟的地方，現(xiàn)在是德國產(chǎn)出最大的工業(yè)區(qū)，到處是繁忙的辦公區(qū)、優(yōu)良的住宅和公寓、熱鬧的大街和不斷蔓延的公園草坪。在當(dāng)年似乎是文化荒漠的地方，現(xiàn)在有兩所最好的大學(xué)、樂團(tuán)和一家歌劇院，無數(shù)的劇場和博物館。過去物資極度匱乏，現(xiàn)在有豐富的食品、服裝和汽車，在庫達(dá)姆大街上應(yīng)有盡有。在廢墟上，從毀滅處，你們這些柏林人在自由中重建了地球上最偉大的城市之一。蘇聯(lián)人或許有其他的計(jì)劃，但是我的朋友們，有些東西卻是蘇聯(lián)人永遠(yuǎn)沒有的，那就是柏林人的心靈、柏林人的幽默和柏林人的雪納瑞。

在20世紀(jì)50年代，赫魯曉夫曾預(yù)言：“我們將埋葬你們”。但是在今天的西方，我們看到的是一片前所未有的繁榮和安寧。而在共產(chǎn)主義世界，我們看見了失敗，看見了技術(shù)上的落后，看見了健康的倒退，看見了即使連最起碼的東西——食品都極度匱乏的情形!即使到了今天，蘇聯(lián)人仍然不能喂飽自己。在四十年之后的今天，在整個(gè)世界面前，聳立著一個(gè)偉大和必然的結(jié)論：自由導(dǎo)致繁榮，自由用禮讓和寬容代替了各國之間古老的仇恨。自由是勝利者!

現(xiàn)在蘇聯(lián)人自己可能在某種程度上，也明白了自由的重要性。我們經(jīng)常從莫斯科聽到一些消息，一項(xiàng)改革和開放的新政策已經(jīng)出臺(tái)，一些政治犯已經(jīng)得到釋放，某些外國新聞廣播不再被屏蔽，一些經(jīng)濟(jì)企業(yè)已經(jīng)被允許擁有更多的自主權(quán)。

這些舉動(dòng)是蘇聯(lián)發(fā)生巨大轉(zhuǎn)變的開始嗎?或者他們僅僅是做出姿態(tài)，想要在西方掀起錯(cuò)誤的希望，又或者僅僅是企圖在不更改蘇聯(lián)體制的前提下修修補(bǔ)補(bǔ)?我們歡迎變化和開放，因?yàn)槲覀兿嘈抛杂珊桶踩喟?，人類自由的進(jìn)步只會(huì)加強(qiáng)世界的和平。

這里有一件事是蘇聯(lián)人可以做出來而不至于遭到誤解的，這件事將里程碑式的促進(jìn)人類自由和和平的事業(yè)。戈?duì)柊蛦谭蚩倳?，如果你真的在尋求和平，如果你真的在尋求蘇聯(lián)和東歐的繁榮昌盛，如果你真的在尋求自由，那么，來到這扇門前吧。戈?duì)柊蛦谭蛳壬?，打開這扇門吧!戈?duì)柊蛦谭蛳壬频惯@堵墻吧!

我理解戰(zhàn)爭的恐懼、分離的痛苦折磨著這片大陸，我向你們保證，我的國家會(huì)幫助克服這些障礙。為了萬無一失，我們自由世界必須抵抗蘇聯(lián)的擴(kuò)張，因此我們必須保持牢不可破的防御力量。然而我們也在尋求和平，因此我們也必須做出努力來削減雙方的軍備。

從十年之前開始，蘇聯(lián)人帶來了一種新的致命威脅挑戰(zhàn)著西方聯(lián)盟，他們部署了數(shù)百枚更新式、更致命的SS-20核導(dǎo)彈，這些導(dǎo)彈足以摧毀歐洲的每一個(gè)都市。西方聯(lián)盟則以相應(yīng)的部署以牙還牙，除非蘇聯(lián)人同意進(jìn)行談判，找到一個(gè)更好的解決方式，也就是雙方共同消除這樣的武器，否則局面只能這么僵持下去。這么多月以來，那些蘇聯(lián)人一直拒絕進(jìn)行誠實(shí)的談判，作為聯(lián)盟我們一方準(zhǔn)備進(jìn)行相應(yīng)部署。那些困難的日子讓我想起，我在1982年訪問這座城市時(shí)，許多人舉行抗議，并且蘇聯(lián)人稍后離開了談判桌。

但盡管有這些困難，我們的聯(lián)盟仍然堅(jiān)持住了。我邀請(qǐng)那時(shí)抗議的那些人，我邀請(qǐng)今天抗議的這些人來注意這樣一個(gè)事實(shí)，那就是因?yàn)槲覀兊膹?qiáng)硬，蘇聯(lián)人最后又回到了談判桌上;因?yàn)槲覀兊膹?qiáng)硬，今天我們能做到的，不僅僅只是期望限制軍備的增長，而且還包括這樣一種可能，那就是將核武器徹底地從地球上廢除掉。

當(dāng)我講話時(shí)，北約的部長們正在冰島會(huì)晤，對(duì)這一建議的進(jìn)展?fàn)顩r進(jìn)行討論。在日內(nèi)瓦會(huì)談中，我們也提出了要對(duì)戰(zhàn)略進(jìn)攻性武器進(jìn)行大的削減。西方聯(lián)盟已經(jīng)提出了許多內(nèi)容深廣的提議來減少發(fā)生常規(guī)戰(zhàn)爭的危險(xiǎn)，以及徹底禁絕化學(xué)武器。

當(dāng)我們裁減這些軍備的時(shí)候，我也向你們保證，我們將保持能力，以阻止蘇聯(lián)在任何層次上發(fā)動(dòng)侵略。我們正在同許多盟友合作，對(duì)“戰(zhàn)略防御構(gòu)想”計(jì)劃進(jìn)行研究，不是將威懾構(gòu)建于威脅報(bào)復(fù)之上，而是著眼于真正的防御。簡而言之，這套防御體系將不瞄準(zhǔn)平民，而是保護(hù)他們。通過這種方式，歐洲和全世界的安全將得以增強(qiáng)。但是我們必須牢記一個(gè)至關(guān)重要的事實(shí)：東方和西方不敢輕舉妄動(dòng)，是因?yàn)槲覀儎菥?而我們勢均力敵，又是因?yàn)槲覀儽舜瞬乱?。使東西方意見不同的不是武器本身，而是對(duì)自由的不同理解?？夏岬峡偨y(tǒng)二十四年前在市政廳演講時(shí)，自由被包圍，柏林在圍困之中。然而今天，盡管敵人對(duì)這個(gè)城市施加了那么多壓力，柏林仍然安全的沐立在自由之光下，自由本身也在改變著整個(gè)世界。

在菲律賓、在南美和中美洲，民主已經(jīng)獲得重生。在整個(gè)太平洋地區(qū)，自由市場正在制造一個(gè)又一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長的奇跡。在工業(yè)化國家，一次技術(shù)革命正在發(fā)生，這次技術(shù)革命的標(biāo)志是計(jì)算機(jī)和電信方面的迅速發(fā)展。

在歐洲，只有一個(gè)國家和它控制的那些衛(wèi)星國拒絕加入自由陣營，然而在這個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)成倍增長的時(shí)代中，在這個(gè)信息與革新的時(shí)代中，蘇聯(lián)面臨著一個(gè)選擇：它必須進(jìn)行根本的改變，否則它將變得過時(shí)。

因此，今天就代表著希望。我們西方準(zhǔn)備好與東方進(jìn)行合作，促進(jìn)真正的開放，打破分離人們的藩籬，建立一個(gè)安全和自由的世界。我想沒有哪個(gè)地方比柏林，這個(gè)連接?xùn)|西方人民的地方，更適合作為一個(gè)起點(diǎn)。

柏林的自由人民們，美國今天會(huì)像過去一樣，堅(jiān)定地捍衛(wèi)人類的自由和尊嚴(yán)，無論前面的道路有多么兇險(xiǎn)，無論極權(quán)者有多么的虛偽。讓我們借這個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，本市的750周年紀(jì)念日，迎接一個(gè)新的時(shí)代，建設(shè)一個(gè)更加充實(shí)、更加富裕的柏林。讓我們維護(hù)并發(fā)展聯(lián)邦德國與西柏林之間的聯(lián)系，這是1971年協(xié)議所允許的。

并且我將邀請(qǐng)戈?duì)柊蛦谭蛳壬鹤屛覀円黄馂闁|西柏林的人民做點(diǎn)事情吧，使他們靠得更緊一點(diǎn)，使整個(gè)柏林的居民都能享受到生活在這個(gè)世界上最偉大的都市之一所帶來的樂趣。

要進(jìn)一步向整個(gè)歐洲、東方和西方開放柏林，我們就要擴(kuò)展進(jìn)入這個(gè)城市的重要空中通道，使通向柏林的商業(yè)航空服務(wù)更便利、更舒適，也更經(jīng)濟(jì)。我們期待著有一天西柏林可以成為整個(gè)中歐地區(qū)的主要航空樞紐之一。

同我們的法國和英國同伴一起，美國準(zhǔn)備在柏林召開各種國際會(huì)議。對(duì)柏林這個(gè)城市來說，召開聯(lián)合國會(huì)議或者有關(guān)人權(quán)、軍備控制等，需要國際合作議題的國際會(huì)議，是再合適不過的。

要為將來帶來希望，沒有比點(diǎn)亮青年人心靈更好的方法。我們將極為榮幸地贊助(東西柏林的)夏季青年交流、各類文化活動(dòng)，以及為東柏林青年舉辦的其他活動(dòng)。我敢肯定我們法國和英國的朋友也將這樣做。我也希望東柏林當(dāng)局能夠贊助西柏林青年的訪問活動(dòng)。

我心中最后一個(gè)建議是，運(yùn)動(dòng)是快樂與高貴之源。大家可能會(huì)注意到，南韓已經(jīng)允許1988年夏季奧運(yùn)會(huì)的某些賽事在北方舉行。各種國際體育比賽也可以在這個(gè)城市的兩個(gè)部分舉行。假如在將來的某一年，奧林匹克運(yùn)動(dòng)會(huì)能夠在柏林——東柏林與西柏林舉行，那么還有什么更好的方式，比這更能向世界展示柏林這個(gè)城市的開放呢?

在這四十年中，正如我所說，你們柏林人建立了一個(gè)偉大的城市。盡管存在著許多威脅——蘇聯(lián)所強(qiáng)加的關(guān)口和封鎖，你們還是做到了。盡管有這堵墻所隱喻著的挑戰(zhàn)，這個(gè)城市仍然蓬勃發(fā)展。是什么使你們堅(jiān)持下來?當(dāng)然有許多原因，比如，你們的毅力，你們抵抗的勇氣。但是我相信有些原因更加深邃，涉及的是柏林整體的精神面貌、感受和生活方式，而不僅僅只是情操。

長期生活在柏林沒有人還能心存幻想，他們看到了柏林生活的困難，但選擇接受之。盡管被囚禁著人類活力和希望的極權(quán)主義制度所包圍，他們?nèi)匀焕^續(xù)建設(shè)著這個(gè)美好、令人自豪的城市。那是一種強(qiáng)有力的聲音，這種聲音對(duì)這座城市，對(duì)未來，對(duì)自由大聲說：“是。”

簡而言之，我會(huì)把這種東西稱之為“愛”——深刻而持久的愛。也許這就是問題的根源，這就是東西方之間最根本的區(qū)別。極權(quán)主義的世界生產(chǎn)落后，因?yàn)樗址高@種精神，阻礙了人類去創(chuàng)造、去享受、去感悟的沖動(dòng)。極權(quán)主義的世界，甚至覺得愛和宗教的符號(hào)是一種侮辱。

幾年前，當(dāng)東德開始重建自己的教堂之前，他們建設(shè)了一個(gè)世俗的建筑物：亞歷山大廣場電視塔。自那以后，東德當(dāng)局一直在努力糾正(在他們眼中)該塔的一個(gè)重大缺陷，往其頂部的玻璃球上傾倒各種涂料和化學(xué)物品。然而直到今天，每當(dāng)陽光照射到這些玻璃上，還是能照射出十字架的摸樣。在這里，在柏林，愛的符號(hào)，禮拜的符號(hào)不會(huì)受到壓制。

當(dāng)我之前從國會(huì)大廈，這個(gè)德國統(tǒng)一的化身往外望的時(shí)候，我看到柏林墻上一段噴漆的話，這可能是一個(gè)年輕的柏林人寫下來的：“這堵墻終將倒下，夢(mèng)想終將成為現(xiàn)實(shí)。”在整個(gè)歐洲，這堵墻終將倒下，因?yàn)樗?jīng)不起良知的考驗(yàn)，經(jīng)不起真理的追問，經(jīng)不起自由的期望!

在我結(jié)束演講之前，我還要多說幾句。自從我來到這里就已經(jīng)知道，也被人問起過，關(guān)于某些團(tuán)體抗拒我到來的事情。

我想對(duì)那些示威者說，我不知道他們是否想過，如果他們確實(shí)建立了他們所希望的那種政府，就不會(huì)有人能夠做他們現(xiàn)在正在做的這些事情了。

謝謝大家，上帝會(huì)保佑你們的。