Not all modern observers of Byzantium have been so willing to associate the city on the Bosphorus with universalism or cultural breadth. While Byzantium's rating has risen recently, it has not entirely shaken off the criticisms dished out in the 18th and 19th centuries, including the devastating verdict of William Lecky, an Irish historian, who in 1869 described the Byzantine empire as “the most thoroughly base and despicable form that civilisation has yet assumed”.
Even Byzantium's modern defenders have tended to set out their case in qualified terms, stressing the empire's relationship to other historical developments. Some see it as a connecting line between classical antiquity and the modern world; others, particularly those who think that civilisations are doomed perpetually to clash, stress the empire's role as a bulwark against Islam, without which Europe as a whole would have turned Muslim. Others again see it as a catalyst for the European Renaissance, especially after Hellenic talent was freed from Byzantine dogmatism.
Judith Herrin, a professor at King's College London, sets out to show that there are far better reasons to study and admire the civilisation that flourished for more than a millennium before the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, and whose legacy is still discernible all over southeast Europe and the Levant. She presents Byzantium as a vibrant, dynamic, cosmopolitan reality which somehow escaped the constraints of its official ideology. For example, despite the anti-Semitism of the empire's public discourse and theology, its complex, diversified economy could hardly have functioned without the 30-plus Jewish communities that Benjamin of Tudela, a 12th-century rabbi, described.
Ms. Herrin also shows that there was a fluid and perpetually evolving relationship between the competing influences of classical Greek learning, Greek Christianity and popular Byzantine culture. She pays particular attention to the powerful female voices that emerged from Byzantium: not just pious ladies who wrote saints' lives and hymns (including one breathtaking piece of sensual, almost erotic religious poetry) but the sophisticated political history that was penned by Anna Komnene, a frustrated would-be empress of the 12th century.
Ms. Herrin will certainly win over some sceptics. But it will remain the case that more people are drawn to Byzantine civilisation through its dazzling art and architecture than by its literature. In August 2006, for example, more than 1,000 academic specialists on Byzantium converged on London for a week-long conference. The success of the quinquennial event was a sign that Byzantine studies are flourishing in almost every corner of the world. But it is a reasonable bet that, whatever they ultimately studied, these scholars were first drawn to the Byzantine world by gazing in wonder at an icon or a frescoed church rather than by perusing the pages of Anna Komnene.
The brilliance of Byzantine art is proof enough that something extraordinary happened on the Bosphorus. And this brilliance remained undimmed even when the empire's geopolitical fortunes were collapsing. Snobbish Western classicists who called Byzantium a poor substitute for ancient Greece may have missed the point. True, the Byzantine world was weighed down by deference to classical Greek models. But that charge could also be laid against the pedagogues who used to dominate the study of the humanities in the Western world. Right now, Byzantine history is in vogue at many universities while old-fashioned classical studies are struggling to hold their own.
1. Modern observers and defenders do not highly praise Byzantium's culture because _____.
[A] the civilizations of the empire were short of universalism or cultural breadth
[B] William Lecky, who is the leading figure of the Byzantium's study, depreciated the culture of Byzantium greatly
[C] criticisms against the Byzantium in the history biased people
[D] Byzantium's culture was completely devastated in the 18th and 19th centuries
2. The example by Herrin in the third paragraph may prove that _____.
[A] the civilization of Byzantium is worth of studying and admiring
[B] Byzantium' civilization had flourished a much longer time than people usually perceive it and such influence has been neglected
[C] to some extent, it is not necessary to relate Byzantium the city with the whole empire's public discourse and theology
[D] the Jewish communities actually had made great contribution to Byzantium, which is against the conventional view of the study
3. Which one of the following statements is NOT true of the academic conference on Byzantium?
[A] The scholars were only interested in studying icons or frescoes in Byzantium.
[B] The success of this conference proves the study on Byzantium is in vogue.
[C] Scholars were drawn to Byzantium civilization by its art at the very beginning.
[D] Scholars showed less interest in the literature of Byzantium.
4. According to the passage, Byzantine culture _____.
[A] is merely a replica of the ancient Greece
[B] is quite independent from Greek culture in almost all aspects
[C] is of no relation with the ancient Greece in a subtle way
[D] is influenced by the Greek culture and theology
5. Towards the classical studies on Byzantium, the author's attitude can be said to be _____.
[A] biased
[B] negative
[C] skeptical
[D] objective
1. Modern observers and defenders do not highly praise Byzantium's culture because _____.
[A] the civilizations of the empire were short of universalism or cultural breadth
[B] William Lecky, who is the leading figure of the Byzant-ium's study, depreciated the culture of Byzantium greatly
[C] criticisms against the Byzantium in the history biased people
[D] Byzantium's culture was completely devastated in the 18th and 19th centuries
1. 現(xiàn)代的研究者和擁護(hù)者對(duì)拜占庭文化沒(méi)有高度贊譽(yù),是因?yàn)?_____。
[A] 這個(gè)帝國(guó)的文明缺乏普適性或文化寬度
[B] 研究拜占庭的領(lǐng)軍人物William Lecky大大貶低拜占庭的文化
[C] 歷史上針對(duì)拜占庭的批評(píng)讓人們產(chǎn)生了偏見
[D] 拜占庭文化在18世紀(jì)和19世紀(jì)的時(shí)候遭到了徹底的毀滅
答案:C 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆
分析:推理題。文章第一段提到,雖然近來(lái)對(duì)拜占庭的評(píng)價(jià)有所提高,但是18和19世紀(jì)時(shí)對(duì)它的批評(píng)一直有影響,因此人們對(duì)它有偏見。從文章其他部分也可以看出,拜占庭文明實(shí)際上是很輝煌的,因此這只是一種偏見而已。選項(xiàng)C最為符合題意。選項(xiàng)A的universalism or cultural breadth對(duì)應(yīng)于文章第一段第一句話,但原句的意思是“并不是所有研究拜占庭的現(xiàn)代人都愿意將這個(gè)博斯普魯斯海峽的城市和普世或文化寬度聯(lián)系起來(lái)”,顯然是與選項(xiàng)A的表述有出入的。B的錯(cuò)誤在于,William Lecky只是一個(gè)研究拜占庭的學(xué)者,文章沒(méi)有提到他是一個(gè)領(lǐng)軍人物。選項(xiàng)D明顯錯(cuò)誤,拜占庭文化從來(lái)沒(méi)有被徹底毀滅過(guò)。
2. The example by Herrin in the third paragraph may prove that _____.
[A] the civilization of Byzantium is worth of studying and admiring
[B] Byzantium's civilization had flourished a much longer time than people usually perceive it and such influence has been neglected
[C] to some extent, it is not necessary to relate Byzantium the city with the whole empire's public discourse and theology
[D] the Jewish communities actually had made great contribution to Byzantium, which is against the conventional view of the study
2. 第三段中,Herrin舉的例子證明了 _____。
[A] 拜占庭文明值得研究和敬仰
[B] 拜占庭文明的興起比人們普遍認(rèn)可的時(shí)期要長(zhǎng)得多,這種影響都被人們忽略了
[C] 在某種程度上,拜占庭這個(gè)城市和整個(gè)帝國(guó)的公共言論以及神學(xué)沒(méi)有必然的聯(lián)系
[D] 猶太社區(qū)實(shí)際上為拜占庭做出了很大貢獻(xiàn),這與傳統(tǒng)研究的觀點(diǎn)是相反的
答案:C 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆☆
分析:推理題。在文章第三段Herrin舉的例子中,盡管該帝國(guó)的意識(shí)形態(tài)是反猶太的,但是如果沒(méi)有那三十多個(gè)猶太社區(qū)的作用,其經(jīng)濟(jì)就得不到發(fā)展。結(jié)合上文,即拜占庭擺脫了官方意識(shí)形態(tài)的束縛,那么可以看出,這個(gè)例子是為了說(shuō)明這一點(diǎn)的,選項(xiàng)C中的public discourse and theology可以視為對(duì)文章中official ideology這個(gè)短語(yǔ)的解讀或解釋。因此選項(xiàng)C為正確答案。而其余幾項(xiàng)都不是這個(gè)例子直接要說(shuō)明的問(wèn)題。
3. Which one of the following statements is NOT true of the academic conference on Byzantium?
[A] The scholars were only interested in studying icons or frescoes in Byzantium.
[B] The success of this conference proves the study on Byzantium is in vogue.
[C] Scholars were drawn to Byzantium civilization by its art at the very beginning.
[D] Scholars showed less interest in the literature of Byzantium.
3. 關(guān)于拜占庭的學(xué)術(shù)會(huì)議,下列哪個(gè)陳述是錯(cuò)誤的?
[A] 學(xué)者們只對(duì)研究拜占庭的雕像或壁畫感興趣。
[B] 這次會(huì)議的成功證明了拜占庭研究是熱點(diǎn)。
[C] 學(xué)者們最開始是因其藝術(shù)而被拜占庭文明吸引的。
[D] 學(xué)者們對(duì)拜占庭的文學(xué)興趣不大。
答案:A 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆☆
分析:細(xì)節(jié)題。選項(xiàng)A,第五段末尾指出,不論他們最終的研究?jī)?nèi)容是什么,他們一開始是因?yàn)楸黄涞裣窈陀斜诋嫷慕烫梦齺?lái)的。由此可以看出,他們目前不一定只研究雕像和壁畫,只是起因是這些而已。因此A的說(shuō)法不正確。C和D的表述從第五段可以看出。B,第五段也提到了拜占庭研究正在流行。因此,答案為A。
4. According to the passage, Byzantine culture _____.
[A] is merely a replica of the ancient Greece
[B] is quite independent from Greek culture in almost all aspects
[C] is of no relation with the ancient Greece in a subtle way
[D] is influenced by the Greek culture and theology
4. 根據(jù)這篇文章,拜占庭文化 _____。
[A] 只是古希臘的復(fù)制品而已
[B] 幾乎在所有的方面都獨(dú)立于希臘文化
[C] 從細(xì)微的角度上來(lái)說(shuō),與古希臘沒(méi)有關(guān)系
[D] 受到希臘文化和神學(xué)的影響
答案:D 難度系數(shù):☆☆☆
分析:細(xì)節(jié)題。選項(xiàng)A,第六段指出,那些認(rèn)為拜占庭是古希臘替代品的古典學(xué)家錯(cuò)了,因此該陳述錯(cuò)誤,其中replica這個(gè)詞的意思就是“復(fù)制品”。選項(xiàng)B,文章第四段指出,拜占庭文化和希臘學(xué)術(shù)與宗教有著某種不固定的但一直發(fā)展的關(guān)系。那么可以看出,拜占庭文化和古希臘文化還是有一定關(guān)系的。同時(shí)選項(xiàng)C也是錯(cuò)誤的。因此,只有選項(xiàng)D是正確的。
5. Towards the classical studies on Byzantium, the author's attitude can be said to be _____.
[A] biased
[B] negative
[C] skeptical
[D] objective
5. 對(duì)于拜占庭的古典研究,作者的態(tài)度可以說(shuō)是 _____。
[A] 有偏見的
[B] 否定的
[C] 懷疑的
[D] 客觀的
答案:B 難度系數(shù):☆☆
分析:態(tài)度題。從文中作者形容古典研究的詞匯就可以看出作者的態(tài)度,他將西方古典學(xué)家稱作是“假裝內(nèi)行的”,認(rèn)為他們的觀點(diǎn)有問(wèn)題。因此,作者對(duì)于古典研究的態(tài)度是否定的。選項(xiàng)B是正確答案。
并不是所有研究拜占庭的現(xiàn)代人都愿意將這個(gè)位于博斯普魯斯海峽的城市和普世或文化寬度聯(lián)系起來(lái)。盡管近來(lái)對(duì)拜占庭的評(píng)價(jià)有所提高,但它還是不能完全擺脫18和19世紀(jì)時(shí)對(duì)它的那些批評(píng),包括愛(ài)爾蘭歷史學(xué)家William Lecky對(duì)其猛烈的抨擊,他于1869年將拜占庭帝國(guó)描述為“所有文明中最低級(jí)、最卑劣的形式”。
拜占庭的現(xiàn)代擁護(hù)者也傾向于用一些低調(diào)的詞語(yǔ)來(lái)形容這座城市,重在強(qiáng)調(diào)該帝國(guó)與其他歷史發(fā)展的關(guān)系。一些人將它看作是古代世界與現(xiàn)代世界的連接線,而還有一些人,特別是那些持文明沖突論的人強(qiáng)調(diào),拜占庭的作用主要是作為對(duì)抗伊斯蘭教的屏障,如果沒(méi)有拜占庭,整個(gè)歐洲都可能變?yōu)槟滤沽謬?guó)家。還有一些人認(rèn)為,拜占庭是歐洲文藝復(fù)興的催化劑,尤其是在希臘智慧擺脫了拜占庭的教條主義之后。
倫敦國(guó)王學(xué)院教授Judith Herrin表示,拜占庭文明值得研究和敬仰,在1453年君士坦丁堡被征服之前,拜占庭文明已經(jīng)興盛了一千多年,其遺跡在整個(gè)東南歐和累范特(地中海東部地區(qū))還是依稀可見的。她將拜占庭看作是充滿活力的、生機(jī)勃勃且兼容并包的世界,并且擺脫了官方意識(shí)形態(tài)的束縛。比如,盡管該帝國(guó)的公眾演說(shuō)和神學(xué)帶有反猶太的色彩,但是如果沒(méi)有12世紀(jì)Tudela的猶太法學(xué)博士Benjamin描述的那三十多個(gè)猶太社區(qū),帝國(guó)那復(fù)雜多樣的經(jīng)濟(jì)就得不到發(fā)展。
Herrin女士也表示,希臘的古典學(xué)術(shù)和基督教與拜占庭流行文化之間的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)關(guān)系是不斷變化和進(jìn)化的。她特別關(guān)注拜占庭出現(xiàn)的強(qiáng)有力的女性聲音:不僅僅是那些描寫圣人生活和書寫圣歌的虔誠(chéng)婦女(包括一篇令人心驚的情色的、甚至可以說(shuō)是淫穢的宗教詩(shī)歌),而且還有12世紀(jì)那位失意的未來(lái)女皇Anna Komnene書寫的復(fù)雜的政治歷史。
Herrin女士肯定擊敗了那些懷疑論者。但是一個(gè)不變的事實(shí)是,更多的人是因?yàn)榘菡纪レ拍康乃囆g(shù)和建筑而迷上了拜占庭文明,而不是因?yàn)槠湮膶W(xué)的影響。比如2006年8月,一千多名研究拜占庭的學(xué)術(shù)專家匯聚倫敦,舉行了為期一周的會(huì)議。這個(gè)五年一次的會(huì)議的成功舉辦是拜占庭研究在世界各個(gè)角落興盛的標(biāo)志。但是不管這些學(xué)者的最終的研究?jī)?nèi)容是什么,一個(gè)比較理性的觀點(diǎn)就是,他們一開始都是因?yàn)榭吹搅说裣窕虍嬘斜诋嫷慕烫貌疟话菡纪ノ?,而不是因?yàn)榧?xì)讀了Anna Komnene的文字。
拜占庭輝煌的藝術(shù)足以證明,在博斯普魯斯海峽曾經(jīng)發(fā)生過(guò)一些非凡的大事。而這種輝煌即使在拜占庭帝國(guó)地理政治的財(cái)富被摧毀之后仍然存在。那些假裝內(nèi)行的西方古典學(xué)家稱,拜占庭是古希臘可憐的替代品,其實(shí)他們錯(cuò)了。確實(shí),拜占庭世界因?yàn)樽裱畔ED的模式而被低估。但這一點(diǎn)也可以用來(lái)反駁那些過(guò)去在西方人文研究方面擁有權(quán)威的學(xué)究?,F(xiàn)在,拜占庭歷史在許多學(xué)校都很熱門,而那些過(guò)時(shí)的正統(tǒng)研究也在竭力堅(jiān)守著自己的立場(chǎng)。