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《考研英語(yǔ)閱讀理解100篇 基礎(chǔ)版》第8章 學(xué)科類(lèi) Unit 95

所屬教程:考研英語(yǔ)閱讀

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2019年01月24日

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Neither Oliver Williamson of the University of California at Berkeley nor Elinor Ostrom of Indiana University at Bloomington was widely tipped to win this year's Nobel Prize for economics.This may be because their work sits at the boundary of economics,law and political science,and tackles different questions to the ones that economists have traditionally studied.Mr.Williamson and Ms.Ostrom work independently of each other but both have contributed plenty to economists’ understanding of which institutions—firms,markets,governments,or informal systems of social norms,for example—are best suited for conducting different types of economic transactions.  
Ronald Coase,a British economist who won the Nobel Prize in 1991,argued that in some situations,and for some kinds of transactions, administrative decision-making within a single legal entity is more efficient than a straightforward market transaction.Mr.Coase's arguments were influential and convinced economists that the internal workings of organisations were worth paying attention to explicitly.But it was left to Mr.Williamson to refine Mr.Coase's theory and clarify what features of certain transactions made carrying them out more efficient within a firm rather than in the market.  
Mr.Williamson showed that complex transactions involving investment decisions that are much more valuable within a relationship than to a third party are best done within a firm.Part of the problem,he argued,was that some economic transactions are so complicated,and involve so many things which could go wrong,that writing a legally enforceable contract that takes all possibilities into account is impossible. Simpler transactions are completed easily in markets; more complicated ones may demand firms.But in later work he also showed that organising matters within companies had costs: in particular,it relied on internal authority to get things done,and this could be abused.  
Ms.Ostrom has concentrated on a different aspect of economic governance.She has spent her life studying how human societies manage common resources such as forests,rivers,pastures or wildlife.Just as with public goods,it is difficult to prevent people from using the commons.But unlike public goods,and like private ones,what one person takes leaves less for others.Economic theory then predicts that rational individuals will overuse these resources.  
Economists have tended to emphasise property rights as a solution to the problem of managing common resources.But Ms.Ostrom spent much of her early career studying how communities managed such common resources.She found that groups of people tended to have complex sets of rules,norms and penalties to ensure that such resources were used sustainably.Such self-governance often worked well.Successful informal institutions,she found,have certain features in common,which sets them apart from institutions that fail.The principles of game theory,particularly the theory of repeated interactions,proved remarkably useful in formulating general principles of how common resources ought to be managed without necessarily resorting to private or state ownership.  
Mr Williamson launched an entire branch of economic theorising which looks more deeply into firms than economists had tended to do previously.His theories have also helped with understanding the choice between equity and debt,and corporate finance more generally.Ms.Ostrom's research has spawned many experiments about how people interact strategically.Some of these have influenced game theory,which originally provided Ms.Ostrom with her analytical tools.  
注(1):本文選自Economist;  
注(2):本文習(xí)題命題模仿對(duì)象:第1~ 5題分別模仿2002年真題Text 4第1、2、4題和Text 3第3、5題。  
1.From the first paragraph we learn that ______.  
A) Oliver Williamson and Elinor Ostrom were not considered candidates for the Noble Prize in Economics  
B) the research focus of Oliver Williamson and Elinor Ostrom touches upon a variety of fields  
C) the works of Oliver Williamson and Elinor Ostrom are irrelevant to the study of economics  
D) Elinor Ostrom is known as the first female winner of the Nobel Prize since its establishment  
2.Which of the following statements is TRUE according to the text?  
A) Williamson and Ostrom's winning the prize mainly attributes to their cooperation in research.  
B) Williamson has identified a series of factors which make the transactions in the market different from those within firms.  
C) Both Williamson and Ostrom address the question of economic transactions.  
D) It is commonly agreed among economists that transactions within firms tend to be more efficient.  
3.Ostrom and Williamson's researches show that ______.  
A) it is universally true that complex transactions are more efficient in companies  
B) to write a contract for complicated transactions is impossible  
C) the prediction about rational individuals overusing common resources is incorrect  
D) privatization is not necessarily the solution of problems about common resources  
4.Which of the following best defines the word“self-governance” (Line 4,Paragraph 5)?  
A) self-management.  
B) self-control.  
C) self-government.  
D) self-manipulation.  
5.We can draw a conclusion from the text that ______.  
A) their researches shed light on the future of cross-disciplinary social studies  
B) their researches help improve the research tools for economics  
C) their researches have tremendously revolutionized the field of economics  
D) their researches give people new insights into neglected problems  
 
美國(guó)加州大學(xué)伯克利分校的奧利弗·威廉森和印第安納大學(xué)布魯明頓校區(qū)的埃莉諾·奧斯特羅姆并不是今年諾貝爾經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)獎(jiǎng)的熱門(mén)人選。或許這是因?yàn)樗麄冎饕獜氖陆?jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)、法學(xué)和政治學(xué)的跨學(xué)科研究,其研究問(wèn)題與經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家研究的傳統(tǒng)問(wèn)題不太一樣。威廉森和奧斯特羅姆雖各自獨(dú)立進(jìn)行研究,但他們都對(duì)加深經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家對(duì)于哪類(lèi)組織——公司、市場(chǎng)、政府或者其他社會(huì)規(guī)范體系,更適合進(jìn)行哪類(lèi)經(jīng)濟(jì)交易的了解做出了很大貢獻(xiàn)。  
1991年獲諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)的英國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家科斯認(rèn)為:在某些情況下,就某種類(lèi)型的交易而言,在單獨(dú)的法人實(shí)體內(nèi)部做出的行政決策比在市場(chǎng)上的直接交易更有效率。科斯的理論影響巨大,他使經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家確信,直截了當(dāng)?shù)匕炎⒁饬D(zhuǎn)到組織內(nèi)部的運(yùn)作才是值得他們做的事情。不過(guò),是威廉森真正地將科斯的理論進(jìn)行了細(xì)化發(fā)展,他進(jìn)一步指出了某些交易的哪些特征會(huì)導(dǎo)致其在公司內(nèi)部運(yùn)作的效率優(yōu)于在市場(chǎng)上的效率。  
威廉森證明了如果一些復(fù)雜的交易牽涉到投資決策,這種投資決策相比第三方來(lái)說(shuō)對(duì)關(guān)聯(lián)方具有更大的價(jià)值,此時(shí)該交易最好是內(nèi)部進(jìn)行。但他指出,這里的問(wèn)題在于,某些經(jīng)濟(jì)交易如此復(fù)雜,牽涉到的容易出錯(cuò)的東西又如此之多,以至于要把所有的可能性都寫(xiě)進(jìn)具有法律效力的合同是不可能的。簡(jiǎn)單一些的交易可在市場(chǎng)上輕松完成,而較為復(fù)雜的交易也許就需要公司的參與。不過(guò),在其后期著作中,他也證明在公司內(nèi)部組織交易是有成本的:特別是做事需要依靠?jī)?nèi)部權(quán)威,但權(quán)威有可能被濫用。  
奧斯特羅姆則主要研究經(jīng)濟(jì)治理的另一個(gè)方面。她畢生致力于研究人類(lèi)社會(huì)如何管理諸如森林、河流、牧場(chǎng)或野生動(dòng)植物等的公共資源。就像公共物品那樣,要想阻止人們使用公共資源是很困難的。但是,與公共物品不一樣而與私人物品一樣的是,當(dāng)有人使用公共資源時(shí),留給其他人的資源就相應(yīng)地減少了。經(jīng)濟(jì)理論由此預(yù)言,在這種情況下理性的個(gè)人會(huì)過(guò)度地使用這些共同資源。  
經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們一直傾向于強(qiáng)調(diào)用產(chǎn)權(quán)來(lái)解決公共資源的管理問(wèn)題。但是奧斯特羅姆將其職業(yè)生涯早期的大部分時(shí)間用來(lái)研究某些團(tuán)體會(huì)如何管理這些公共資源。她發(fā)現(xiàn),這些團(tuán)體傾向于建立一些系統(tǒng)的規(guī)矩、準(zhǔn)則和處罰條例以保證這些資源能被可持續(xù)地使用,這種治理方法通常很奏效。她還發(fā)現(xiàn),成功的非正式團(tuán)體有一定的共性,這使其區(qū)別于那些不成功的團(tuán)體。在這里博弈論的原則,特別是重復(fù)互動(dòng)的博弈論被證明相當(dāng)有用,有助于制定一些管理公共資源的通用規(guī)則而不是必須采取私有化或者國(guó)有化。  
威廉森創(chuàng)立了經(jīng)濟(jì)理論化的一整個(gè)分支,與此前的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家所做的研究相比,該分支更深入地考察了公司的內(nèi)部運(yùn)作。他的理論對(duì)我們更廣泛地理解公司關(guān)于籌股還是借債的選擇,以及公司金融也很有助益。同時(shí),奧斯特羅姆的研究還引發(fā)了許多探討人們?nèi)绾螒?zhàn)略性地互動(dòng)的實(shí)驗(yàn)。有些實(shí)驗(yàn)還對(duì)最初給奧斯特羅姆提供分析工具的博弈論產(chǎn)生了影響。  
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