昂山素季：褪色的民主偶像

As pillars of smoke rose from Rohingya villages burning in western Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi this week finally broke her silence on a humanitarian crisis that has uprooted more than a quarter of a million people and laid waste to her reputation.

隨著緬甸西部一座座羅興亞人村莊燃起滾滾濃煙，昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)上周終于打破了她在一場人道主義危機上的沉默，這場危機已造成逾25萬人無家可歸，也損毀了她的聲譽。

In equivocal language, the freedom fighter and de facto leader of Myanmar said her government was committed to defending the human rights of “all the people of Rakhine”, the state engulfed in some of the worst violence since the country’s transition from military rule began in 2011. Terrified refugees streaming into Bangladesh told stories of shootings and the torching of homes by security forces and vigilantes.

這位緬甸的事實領(lǐng)袖、自由斗士含糊地表示，她的政府致力于維護“若開邦所有人”的人權(quán)。最近該邦發(fā)生了緬甸自2011年開始告別軍事統(tǒng)治以來一些最糟糕的暴力事件。驚恐的難民不斷涌入孟加拉國，訴說安全部隊和肇事者向他們開槍、焚毀他們家園的故事。

Aung San Suu Kyi declined to mention by name the mostly Muslim Rohingya bearing the brunt of the violence. Instead she accused the media of faking news reports and building an “iceberg of misinformation”.

昂山素季拒絕提到羅興亞人一詞，而這場暴力事件中的主要受害者是羅興亞穆斯林。相反，她指責(zé)媒體捏造新聞，建起了一座“虛假信息的冰山”。

This came after a week in which protesters in Pakistan set a picture of the Myanmar state counsellor’s beaming countenance alight and Turkey’s president Recep Tayyip Erdogan accused the country of “genocide”. Malala Yousafzai and Desmond Tutu, Aung San Suu Kyi’s fellow Nobel laureates, all but scolded her to speak up on the Rohingyas’ behalf. A petition calling for her to be stripped of her 1991 peace prize had garnered nearly 400,000 signatures as of Friday.

之前一周，巴基斯坦的抗議者焚燒這位緬甸國務(wù)資政容光煥發(fā)的照片，土耳其總統(tǒng)雷杰普•塔伊普•埃爾多安(Recep Tayyip Erdogan)指責(zé)緬甸犯下“種族滅絕”罪行。同為諾貝爾和平獎得主的馬拉拉•尤薩夫扎伊(Malala Yousafzai)和德斯蒙德•圖圖(Desmond Tutu)都為羅興亞人發(fā)聲，對昂山素季發(fā)出含蓄的譴責(zé)。上周五，一項要求剝奪1991年頒發(fā)給昂山素季的諾貝爾和平獎的請愿書已獲得近40萬個簽名。

The scorn heaped on Aung San Suu Kyi seemed to mark a turning point for a woman who for decades enjoyed the admiration of the western world and the long-format ministrations of an adoring press, many of whom compared her to Gandhi and Nelson Mandela. With her trademark sarong and jasmine flower in her hair, she remains one of the world’s most recognisable people and an embodiment of hope for Myanmar’s political transition.

對昂山素季的強烈貶斥似乎標(biāo)志著這位女性的一個轉(zhuǎn)折點，幾十年來她得到西方世界的敬佩，還有崇拜著她的新聞界的長篇推崇。其中許多人將她比作甘地(Gandhi)和納爾遜•曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)。一身標(biāo)志性的紗籠和發(fā)髻上的茉莉花，她仍是全世界最知名的人物之一，也是緬甸政治過渡希望的化身。

Now Aung San Suu Kyi seems preternaturally out of touch with world opinion. On Thursday, she said it would be “a little unreasonable” to expect her government to solve Rakhine’s problems after just 18 months in power. “We have to take care of our citizens, we have to take care of everybody who is in our country, whether or not they are our citizens,” she said, referring to Myanmar’s policy of rendering most Rohingya stateless.

現(xiàn)在昂山素季似乎不可思議地與世界輿論格格不入。她在上周四表示，期待執(zhí)政僅18個月的她的政府解決若開邦的問題“有點不合理”。在提到緬甸的政策讓絕大多數(shù)羅興亞人失去國籍時，她表示：“我們必須關(guān)心我們的公民，我們必須關(guān)心在我們國家的所有人，無論他們是否是我國公民。”

The received wisdom is that she is powerless to contain the military, which holds on to three key ministries. “You cannot blame her because of the army,” says Win Htein, a stalwart of her National League for Democracy. Even some of her harshest critics acknowledge that it is the military men that should be called to task.

外界普遍認為她無力遏制軍方，后者控制著三個關(guān)鍵部委。昂山素季所屬的全國民主聯(lián)盟(National League for Democracy, NLD，簡稱民盟)的資深人物溫登(Win Htein)表示：“你不能因為軍隊的行為而責(zé)備她。”即便是昂山素季一些最嚴厲的批評者也承認，軍方應(yīng)該對此事負責(zé)。

“It is her moral duty to speak up,” says U Kyaw Win of the Burma Human Rights Network. “Unfortunately, she is not only siding with the military, she is siding with the propaganda.”

緬甸人權(quán)網(wǎng)絡(luò)(Burma Human Rights Network)的覺溫(U Kyaw Win)表示：“她在道義上有責(zé)任發(fā)聲?？上粌H站在軍隊的一方，還跟宣傳機構(gòu)站在了一起。”

If this week felt like a defining moment for the reputation of the 72-year-old leader of Myanmar, perhaps it should not have. Aung San Suu Kyi has long echoed the official line that the Rohingya are “Bengali” nationalists being stirred to sedition by “terrorists”. Burmese nationalism and Buddhist extremism have surged with democratisation and the spread of communication technology in the former pariah state.

有人可能覺得上周對于這位72歲的緬甸領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的聲譽是一個決定性時刻，其實并非如此。昂山素季長期附和官方說法，即羅興亞人是受到“恐怖分子”煽動的“孟加拉”民族主義者。隨著這個曾經(jīng)的“賤民國家”走上民主化進程，隨著通信技術(shù)的普及，緬甸的民族主義和佛教極端主義近年抬頭。

Yet even as Aung San Suu Kyi was being savaged abroad, some hardliners at home see her as too soft. Social media — possibly whipped up by the military — criticised her for being weak in the face of outside pressure over what they see as a Muslim insurgency in Rakhine. “It’s a total mirror image of outrage, and she is caught between these two views,” said one western diplomat in Myanmar.

然而，就在昂山素季在國外遭到抨擊的同時，國內(nèi)的一些強硬派認為她太軟弱。社交媒體——可能在軍方的煽動下——批評她在他們眼里的若開邦穆斯林叛亂問題上在境外壓力面前表現(xiàn)軟弱。常駐緬甸的一位西方外交官表示：“這完全反映了人們的憤怒，而她被夾在這兩種觀點之間。”

The conflicting forces buffeting her are in keeping with a woman who grew up in two worlds, wreathed in privilege in both. Born in Rangoon (today Yangon) in 1945, her father was assassinated when she was two. As a child, she was educated at Christian schools in Burma and India, where her mother was ambassador, then at Oxford, where she met her future husband, the late Michael Aris.

沖擊著昂山素季的對立勢力與她的成長背景相符，她在兩個世界長大，在兩邊都享受著特權(quán)。昂山素季1945年出生在仰光，兩歲時父親遭暗殺。孩童時代的她在緬甸和印度——她的母親是緬甸駐印度大使——的基督教學(xué)校接受教育，后來她前往牛津(Oxford)，在那里遇到了日后的丈夫，已故的邁克爾•阿里斯(Michael Aris)。

In 1988 she returned home to tend to her ailing mother, then was swept up in unrest against the ruling junta. This coalesced into the NLD, which seized on the photogenic daughter of Aung San, who is revered as a father of the nation. She lived for years in and out of house arrest, becoming the figurehead of an international solidarity movement.

1988年她回到家鄉(xiāng)照料生病的母親，隨后卷入了反對軍政府統(tǒng)治的動蕩。反對派隨后團結(jié)在民盟的大旗下，利用了被尊為國父的昂山(Aung San)將軍上鏡的女兒。多年來昂山素季反復(fù)遭到軟禁，成為一場國際團結(jié)運動的代表人物。

After playing a key role in negotiations to end military rule, Aung San Suu Kyi led the NLD to victory in elections in 2015. Emerging from opposition as a revered but untested leader, she has been wobblier in power, providing little direction in key areas such as the country’s struggling economy. When journalists who had lionised her in captivity hit her with tough questions over Myanmar’s poor human rights record, her clipped responses have sounded thin-skinned or tin-eared.

昂山素季在結(jié)束軍政府統(tǒng)治的談判中發(fā)揮了重要作用，隨后又領(lǐng)導(dǎo)民盟在2015年選舉中獲得勝利。作為一名反對派出身，備受尊敬但未經(jīng)考驗的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，她在坐上權(quán)位后相對缺乏魄力，在關(guān)鍵領(lǐng)域(比如緬甸不景氣的經(jīng)濟)拿不出什么對策。當(dāng)那些在她被監(jiān)禁時吹捧過她的記者就緬甸糟糕的人權(quán)記錄向她提出尖銳的問題時，她生硬的回答聽起來既敏感又冷漠。

With Rakhine in flames, Aung San Suu Kyi’s honeymoon period in power has been short. Myanmar now faces a full-blown crisis that, according to António Guterres, the UN’s secretary-general, risks fuelling more grievances. Western donor nations built Aung San Suu Kyi up; the flaws of this strategy, and of this person, have been on display this week. Tough times lie ahead for “the lady” as she seeks to drive a middle course between her own people, many of whom are in an unforgiving mood about the Rohingya, and the outside world.

隨著若開邦火光四起，昂山素季的執(zhí)政蜜月期縮短了。用聯(lián)合國秘書長安東尼奧•古特雷斯(António Guterres)的話來說，緬甸現(xiàn)在面臨著一場全面危機，可能激起更多不滿。西方捐助國當(dāng)年捧起了昂山素季;這一戰(zhàn)略、以及這個人的缺陷，在上周表露無遺。被尊稱為“夫人”的昂山素季尋求在國民(其中許多人對羅興亞人抱著不寬恕的情緒)和外部世界之間找到一條中間道路，她將迎來一段棘手時期。